- Liberty, Fraternity, Exile: Haiti & Jamaica After Emancipation
- Red & Black in Haiti: Radicalism, Conflict, and Political Change 1934 – 1957
A great conversation with historian Matthew Smith, who discusses the connected histories of Haiti and Jamaica. Smith highlights the intertwined relationship between the two nations, particularly from the 1830s to 1915, focusing on themes of liberty, exile, and migration. He explains his decision to start his research after emancipation in both countries and his interest in how different groups defined freedom. The discussion covers Haitian leaders’ exiles in Jamaica, the influence of British opinions, and the personal connections that bound the islands together despite political differences. Ultimately, Smith emphasizes the importance of viewing Caribbean history through the le
Overview: This briefing document summarizes the key themes, arguments, and important facts presented by Matthew Smith in the interview regarding his book. The book examines the interconnected histories of Haiti and Jamaica between 1830 and 1915, focusing on the flow of people, ideas, and political dynamics between the two islands. Smith argues for understanding the Caribbean as a connected region, challenging narratives that center external powers and highlighting the internal dynamics and shared experiences of these neighboring nations.
Main Themes and Key Ideas:
- The Concept of “Liberty” as Evolving and Mobile: Smith emphasizes that “liberty” is not a static concept but one that changes over time and for different groups. While the Haitian Revolution offered a foundational definition of liberty from colonialism and slavery, Smith’s book focuses on the smaller definitions of liberty that evolved for individuals who left Haiti for Jamaica during the period. For these exiles, the act of leaving Haiti represented a search for a different kind of liberty, and their concept of freedom was mobile, moving with them as they sought spaces to exercise and redefine it.
- Quote: “What I arrived at is this point that. There is no static or one definition that the concept changes over time and by different groups of people.”
- Quote: “There’s a search for different kind of liberty. And it’s also even the action of being able to go out and do that search to, to leave.”
- Quote: “Their concept of what Freedom slash liberty is, has to be moving with them. It has to be a mobile concept.”
- Connected History vs. Comparative History: Smith explicitly frames his book as a connected history rather than a comparative one. The narrative is structured to show the deep and constant interconnections between Haiti and Jamaica, arguing that it’s impossible to understand one in isolation from the other during this period. This connection existed on multiple levels: familial, political, economic, and cultural.
- Quote: “For me, the book, I always say that the book is a story, it’s not a comparative history, it’s a connected history.”
- Quote: “It’s really meant to show the connection that the construction of the book is set up. That way. You start out in one eye in Jamaica, then you move to Haiti, and then at a certain point it blends and then the narrative is going back and forth that there’s no single Haiti or single. It’s all connected. ’cause that’s really the world that they lived in.”
- Exile as a Consequence and Shaping Force: Exile is central to the book’s title and argument. Smith sees exile not just as a personal trial but as a consequence of post-colonialism affecting the entire Caribbean, particularly the Haitians in his story. It represented a search for belonging and a space to claim one’s identity. Many subjects of the book found themselves in some degree of exile, which further shaped their understanding of liberty and their connection to Jamaica.
- Quote: “Exile as part of a consequence of post-colonialism, not just for Haiti, but for the whole Caribbean, but especially for the Haitian. A story that I tell.”
- Quote: “Exile just came, just meant all of that to me.”
- The Post-Emancipation Period (starting 1830s) as a Crucial Shift: Smith chose the 1830s as a starting point due to the end of slavery in the British Caribbean, including Jamaica. This opened up ports for trade and created a space for migration between Haiti (which was already independent and “free”) and Jamaica (which was now a “free” nation after slavery ended). This shift allowed for increased engagement at both national and sub-national levels.
- Quote: “The next big part of the Caribbean to have freedom from slavery after Haiti was of course the British Islands of the Caribbean in the 1830s. And so what happened then was that it opened the ports for trade.”
- Quote: “There was a definite change after freedom from slavery in Jamaica because that change then enabled. Haiti Jamaica to be seen as a free place that Haitians could go to more and the national and the subnational levels engage with.”
- Moving Beyond the Haitian Revolution (1804): A significant motivation for Smith was to study Haiti as a “real full place” defined by more than just the revolution of 1804. He wanted to explore the daily lives and concerns of people in the 19th century, who were grappling with contemporary leaders and issues rather than solely focusing on the founders of the nation. Studying the period after 1804 provides a different and deeper view into Haiti’s past.
- Quote: “I, in my career have been very committed to thinking and researching Haiti as a real full place. Very much like how I thought in research Jamaica, where I’m from… as a real full place and not just a place defined by one event, as much as that event constructed a notion and a belonging, but it wasn’t the only thing.”
- Quote: “It involved really moving beyond the ways in which this story could be shaped from 1791 coming down.”
- Quote: “Often people don’t engage with Haiti seriously after 1804 in the Caribbean.”
- Elite Connections and Interests: The elites of both Jamaica and Haiti were significantly entwined. Jamaican elites, particularly the mixed-race and dark-skinned merchant classes who gained rights in 1829 (partly influenced by Haitian exiles), saw personal benefit and profit in an open relationship with Haiti. This deepened the connection between the two islands.
- Quote: “The Haitian and Jamaican elite classes are very entwined. But it was very prominent then. So the whole idea that there was something personal to benefit or profit from an open relationship with Haiti was something that the elites were invested in because they had personal connections with Haitian elites.”
- The Morant Bay Rebellion (1865) as a Watershed Moment for Jamaica: This event is presented as a high point in the book, after which the narrative shifts. The Morant Bay Rebellion was feared by the Jamaican elite as potentially becoming Jamaica’s revolutionary moment, leading to the dissolution of the local assembly and the island becoming a Crown Colony directly ruled by Britain. The fear of becoming “another Haiti” was a stated justification for this decision.
- Quote: “In 1865, which was the Morant Rebellion in Ha in Jamaica. People fear that could be Jamaica’s revolutionary moment where Jamaica could become like Haiti.”
- Quote: “Jamaican assembly dissolved itself and used as a justification they didn’t want to become another Haiti, which was quite shocking that they would say that.”
- Differing Approaches to Independence and Stability: The interview touches on the contrast between Haiti’s revolutionary approach to freedom and Jamaica’s more incremental path to self-governance. While some in Jamaica lamented not having a revolution like Haiti’s, believing it would lead to greater self-sufficiency, many people (both then and now) felt that a revolutionary overthrow could lead to isolation and difficulty in constructing a fair and equal independent state, citing Haiti as an example.
- Quote: “There is a distinction between how people understand what it means to be free from oppression and free from colonial rule and revolution.”
- Quote: “Many people think, thought then back then that the whole concept of a revolutionary overthrow could do more harm than good in the end.”
- President Boyer’s Rule and Exile: Smith discusses President Jean-Pierre Boyer, highlighting his long rule, his controversial policies like the indemnity to France and the code rural, and the militarized state he created. What particularly interested Smith was Boyer’s exile to Jamaica after his overthrow in 1843. The 1842 earthquake is presented as a catalyst that revealed the fragility of Boyer’s rigid state structure and contributed to his demise.
- Quote: “What interested me about boy early on was not just the long years he ruled ’cause he ruled for a long time. But that, that rule ended with him coming to Jamaica.”
- Quote: “The 1842 earthquake was the catalyst that sort of brought his demise and you said what he was the last of the revolutionaries and then the first. Kuta ex. Yeah. First one to go into exile.”
- The Role of Natural Disasters: Earthquakes (specifically 1842 in Haiti and 1907 in Jamaica) and other natural disasters are seen as defining fissures that reveal much about the society. They can expose the fragility of state structures, as seen with the 1842 earthquake and Boyer’s government.
- Quote: “What is earthquakes Always a defining fissure and so many metaphorically in ha United init history… natural disasters that reveal a lot about the society itself.”
- Quote: “When you have such a rigid state structure, it’s not just natural disaster. Any kind of fish, any kind of opening, any kind of upset can then they call it that, start the fragility, really start to show.”
- The Power of the “Chef d’avion”: During Boyer’s rule and beyond, the “chef d’avion” (rural section chiefs) were instrumental in extending state control into the provinces. They were granted significant autonomy and authority to enforce policies, particularly regarding the economy (forcing cultivation) and state protection. This created a rural hierarchy that influenced Haitian political culture later on.
- Quote: “What it did was essentially was a form of investing in them, their own autonomy to run the sections that they were in charge of in their way.”
- Quote: “It introduces into Haitian political life and culture, this kind of internal hierarchy that, that, comes to dominate. Later on.”
- “Moral Revolutions” and Cycles of Overthrow: Smith discusses the concept of “moral revolutions” used by Haitians in the 19th century to describe the frequent overthrows of government. While distinct from the Haitian Revolution of 1804, these moments of dramatic change in government were perceived and labeled as revolutions by the people, legitimizing the reorientation of power.
- Quote: “The whole idea that Haiti is, I think one of the people are sighting it refer to Haiti as the land of revolutions, a plural.”
- Quote: “They defined what happened as a revolution… so it justifies or legitimates, marching in from the south or the north. Taking claim of parliament because we’ve had a revolution.”
- British Perceptions and Influence: British observers, elites, and governors in Jamaica viewed Haiti’s political problems as a “bad example” of what could happen in Jamaica. This fear, combined with Britain’s shifting imperial focus away from the Caribbean, influenced their policies and perceptions of Haiti.
- Quote: “The British observers, the British elites, the British governors in Jamaica, look at Haiti as. The bad example of what could happen in Jamaica.”
- The Indemnity and the Quest for Diplomatic Recognition: Smith discusses the indemnity paid by Haiti to France, acknowledging multiple theories for why Boyer signed it, including potential beliefs about Haiti’s gold reserves or the need to protect elite property. However, he leans towards the need for diplomatic recognition as an overriding concern. The desire to be seen as autonomous and recognized internationally was paramount for the fragile state.
- Quote: “If there is one that over, one overriding concern is that the need for some form of diplomatic recognition that could evolve after this thing with France was settled.”
- Quote: “It’s a scary prospect to be still seen as, in, by 1825, 20 years after you declare independence to be seen as not autonomous and not diplomatically recognized.”
- Kingston as a Center for Haitian Exiles: Kingston, being geographically close and a British colony with liberal policies regarding protection for political exiles, became a frequent destination for Haitian heads of state, ministers, and other figures seeking refuge. This created a concentrated Haitian community in parts of the city, fostering deep familial and social connections between the two islands.
- Quote: “The main reason is that the British were liberal enough to, the British policies, liberal policies enable them to come and get protection in a British country. And because Jamaica was so close to Haiti, it was very, appealing to them.”
- Quote: “A lot of the Haitians who arrived to Kingston… tended to stay and cluster around certain parts of the city of Kingston.”
- Jamaican Migration to Haiti: While less voluminous than Haitian migration to Jamaica, there was a significant flow of Jamaicans to Haiti, particularly by the turn of the 20th century. Jamaicans constituted the majority of English speakers in Haiti and settled in areas with proximity to ports. This included itinerant traders and prominent elite figures who established themselves in Haiti. Additionally, some Jamaicans visited Haiti for holidays or out of pride for its status as a free black nation.
- Quote: “By the time you get to the turn of the 20th. The majority of English speakers in Haiti are Jamaicans.”
- Quote: “You also had, coming back now to the 19th century Jamaicans, who felt a lot of pride that Haiti was a black country, that Haiti was not a colony who wanted to see for themselves and wanted to spend.”
- Familial and Kinship Networks: A crucial element of the connected history is the deep web of familial and kinship networks spanning the two islands. Smith’s research, including mapping addresses and tracing family connections, revealed how people were connected through direct family ties and broader kinship networks, making it difficult to stop movement between the islands.
- Quote: “I start to follow the family networks, who knows who, who marries who and how, all of that. So the interconnect and this really incredible web of of familial kinship that is even people are connected through kinship networks…”
- Challenging the “Failed State” Narrative: Smith expresses strong discomfort with labeling Haiti a “failed state,” arguing that it disrespects the country’s history and people. He believes that Haiti’s challenges are not predetermined but result from a complex interplay of internal dynamics, external pressures (particularly from the United States in the late 19th and 20th centuries), and contingent events. He emphasizes the “multiple variables that Haiti had the content with.”
- Quote: “I don’t have a very good argument [against the failed state label]… because every time I turn on the news today, I’m like, okay. Yeah. Yeah. And we all deal with that question.” (expressing the popular difficulty, but then immediately countering with his historian’s perspective)
- Quote: “It’s a disrespect to the history, to the people, to the past and to the country to somehow assume their spaces. And so many times people assume hate that when it’s not.”
- Quote: “The big question then is given all that Haiti had achieved and all that Haiti had to fight against, was it ever a sense that we want this to fail? I don’t think so.”
- Moments of Political Calm: Smith highlights that the 19th century in Haiti was not solely defined by constant upheaval. There were moments of political calm and relatively long rulers, challenging the assumption that successive coups were the only reality.
- Quote: “The truth is, Haiti had some long rulers during the 19th century. Take a country like Mexico. Mexico had a lot of change. More heads of government changing in the 19th century than Haiti.”
- Quote: “There were moments of quiet that, you know, and then the question is, the rupture of that quiet was not an inevitability.”
- The Historian’s Presence and “Energy”: Smith strongly believes in the importance of experiencing the places he writes about. He consciously wrote parts of his book in Haiti and Jamaica to absorb the “energy” and “vibe” of the locations. He feels this physical presence is crucial for understanding the historical landscape and the lives of the people he studies, going beyond just archival research.
- Quote: “I consciously made Britain, the United States and France back characters. That is more story of. It’s a Caribbean story as I say. Yes. And that to me is what was really essential in putting it.”
- Quote: “I wrote, I made sure to write part of it in Haiti and part of it in Jamaica. Because I wanted to have that energy. I never wrote any of what, what’s in the book in the United States or outside. It had to have that energy.”
- Quote: “I am trying really to do two things. One, I’m trying to understand the people I’m writing about, and I can’t only do that by looking at the references to them in the archives. I want to see what that’s like.”
- Quote: “I need to have that sentiment of it, the sentiment and the sediment. ’cause it’s, the sentiment is the feeling, but the sediment is like the what’s underneath the sea. And feel that in my hands and have that in my mind when I’m writing about this.”
Most Important Facts/Ideas:
- The central argument is that the histories of Haiti and Jamaica between 1830 and 1915 were deeply interconnected and should be understood as a connected history.
- The concept of “liberty” for Haitian exiles in Jamaica was a mobile and evolving one, representing a search for personal freedom beyond the national definition established by the Revolution.
- The end of slavery in Jamaica in the 1830s was a key factor in increasing migration and interaction between the two islands.
- Elite networks, driven by personal and economic interests, played a significant role in deepening the connections.
- Kingston served as a major destination and hub for Haitian exiles, fostering concentrated communities and inter-island familial ties.
- Smith strongly challenges the “failed state” narrative for Haiti, emphasizing the complex interplay of internal and external factors (including foreign intervention) that shaped its trajectory.
- Smith’s methodology involves not only archival research but also immersing himself in the physical environment of Haiti and Jamaica to gain a deeper understanding and convey the “energy” of the places.
This briefing document provides a comprehensive overview of the main points discussed in the interview, highlighting the key themes and significant contributions of Matthew Smith’s book to the understanding of Caribbean history.
This study guide is designed to help you review key concepts, events, and figures discussed in the interview excerpts with Matthew Smith.
Quiz: Short Answer Questions
Answer each question in 2-3 sentences.
- According to Matthew Smith, what three concepts are central to the title of his book, “Liberty, Fraternity, Exile”?
- How did the end of slavery in Jamaica in the 1830s impact the relationship between Haiti and Jamaica?
- What was the main focus of the Jamaican elite after emancipation, according to Smith?
- What role did the chef de section play in Boyer’s administration in Haiti?
- Why did Matthew Smith include the 1842 earthquake in his discussion of Boyer’s presidency?
- Why did the Falmouth Gazette in Jamaica defend President Salnave of Haiti despite his controversial actions?
- How did the indemnity imposed on Haiti after independence impact its ability to fully develop?
- How did Kingston absorb the wave of Haitian arrivals in the 1840s?
- What was the “moral revolution” according to how 19th-century Haitians defined it?
- What does Matthew Smith suggest is a more powerful cultural influence in Jamaica today compared to historical British ties?
Answer Key
- According to Smith, the title reflects the Story of Liberty in Haiti, the Fraternity or interconnection between Haiti and Jamaica through people, and Exile as a common circumstance for many Caribbean people.
- The end of slavery in Jamaica opened up ports for trade with Haiti, which was already a free nation, creating a new space for migration and engagement between the two countries.
- The Jamaican elite focused on gaining a small degree of autonomy that would not jeopardize their control, rather than seeking full independence like Haiti.
- The chef de section were militarized personnel in the provinces who were given autonomy and authority to enforce state control, particularly regarding the economy and protecting the state.
- Smith suggests the 1842 earthquake acted as a catalyst that revealed the fragility of Boyer’s rigid state structure, contributing to his overthrow and subsequent exile.
- Initially, Smith believed the defense was based on racial solidarity, not wanting to denigrate a black leader, but later discovered it was based on paid editorials.
- The indemnity was very undermining to the opportunities for Haitian independence to fully grow, creating significant financial problems for the country.
- Kingston absorbed the Haitian arrivals through concentration in certain parts of the city and the formation of distinct communities, with some services like a Haitian-run hotel catering specifically to them.
- According to Smith, “moral revolution” was how 19th-century Haitians defined the overthrow of one leader by another, seeing it as a wholesale change in government and a reorientation of power.
- Smith suggests that cultural ties to the United States are now way more dominant in Jamaica than the historical imperial ties to England.
Essay Format Questions
Suggest five essay format questions.
- Analyze Matthew Smith’s argument that the relationship between Haiti and Jamaica provides a unique lens through which to understand Haitian history after 1804, distinct from narratives centered on global North powers.
- Discuss the various meanings and interpretations of “liberty” as presented in the interview, comparing and contrasting how the concept evolved over time and differed between Haitian exiles and the Jamaican elite.
- Examine the role of exile in shaping the interconnected histories of Haiti and Jamaica from the 19th century onward, using specific examples from the interview to illustrate the impact of exiled leaders and communities.
- Evaluate the extent to which natural disasters and political instability in Haiti influenced British perceptions of the country and subsequently impacted Jamaica’s political development in the 19th century.
- Explore the significance of family and kinship networks in facilitating migration and maintaining connections between Haiti and Jamaica, considering how these personal ties operated alongside or in contrast to formal state policies.
Glossary of Key Terms
- Chef de section: Militarized personnel in the Haitian provinces during Boyer’s administration who were granted significant autonomy to enforce state control, particularly in rural areas.
- Crown Colony: A type of British colony directly ruled by the British monarchy or Parliament, where decision-making and appointments were centralized in England. Jamaica became a Crown Colony after 1865.
- Exile: The state of being barred from one’s native country, typically for political or punitive reasons. In the context of the interview, it refers to the circumstance of many Haitians who left their country and settled in places like Jamaica.
- Falmouth Gazette: A newspaper published in Western Jamaica in the late 19th century that, for a period, published editorials defending Haitian President Salnave.
- Fraternity: Refers to the sense of connection and brotherhood. In the interview, it describes the interconnection between Haiti and Jamaica through the movement and relationships of their people.
- Indemnity: A payment made to compensate for loss or damage. After achieving independence, Haiti was forced to pay a large indemnity to France, which significantly hindered its economic development.
- Liberty: The state of being free within society from oppressive restrictions imposed by authority on one’s way of life, behavior, or political views. The interview discusses the evolving and multilayered meanings of liberty in Haitian and Caribbean history.
- Morant Bay Rebellion (1865): An uprising in Jamaica that was feared by some Jamaican elites and British officials as potentially leading to Jamaica becoming a “revolutionary black state” like Haiti.
- Moral Revolution: A term used in the 19th century to describe the overthrow of one Haitian government by another, viewed by those involved as a fundamental change in governance and power.
- Post-colonialism: The period after a country has gained independence from colonial rule. The interview discusses exile as a consequence of post-colonialism in the Caribbean.
- San Domingue: The French colony on the island of Hispaniola that became the independent nation of Haiti after the Haitian Revolution.
- Sub-national: Refers to something that exists or operates within a nation but below the level of the national government or entity. The interview discusses sub-national views of liberty held by individuals and communities in contrast to national definitions.
- Watershed: A turning point or a moment that marks a significant change. The Morant Bay Rebellion in 1865 is described as a watershed moment in the relationship between Haiti and Jamaica and Jamaica’s political history.
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Here’s a translation of the provided text into Haitian Creole:
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PATRICK: Donk, gen lòt liv nan travay oswa ou fini?
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Nan tèt mwen toujou gen anpil nan yo, men se jis yon kesyon de tan. Se sa menm. Se gwo defi a. M ap kouri anpil pwojè isit la. Nan UK a kote pa gen anpil enterè ditou nan Ayiti, ki toujou difisil pou mwen. Jis enterè jeneral. Mwen anseye Ayiti, etidyan mwen yo renmen li. Se jis depase sa, salklas la toujou yon defi. Men wi, mwen toujou, mwen toujou ap panse a bagay yo. Kounye a, m ap travay sou yon liv sou yon pwojè ki gade mizik nan Jamayik. E konsa, yo ap eseye konprann wòl ke mizik jwe kiltirèlman nan Jamayik, men toujou gen yon pakèt bagay. Yeah. Yeah. Ou rete okipe. Yeah. Mwen pi okipe kenbe mwen, tit la? Yeah. Ki sa ki dèyè tit la? Se te ou menm oswa piblikatè a? Non, se te mwen tout antye. Tit la te vin jwenn mwen, aktyèlman, li te vin jwenn mwen nan yon mache. M ap onèt. Mwen t ap mache pou m te bay yon konferans mwen te envite pou m bay nan yon legliz nan Kingston. Sa gen anpil ane depi sa, e mwen te trè konsène entelektyèlman. Ak anpil nan sa ki nan liv la.
E pandan m t ap reflechi sou tit pou konferans sa a, e mwen t ap mache nan Kingston, yon jan kanmenm sa te vin jwenn mwen paske mwen te panse sou fason ou gen anpil nan tèt mas lèt yo ak jounal yo nan Ayiti ki definitivman soti nan 19yèm syèk la te gen Liberte Egalite Fraternite kòm nan, nan la. E lè sa a, mwen te panse sou konsèp sa a epi lè sa a, li te fè m panse sou ekzil kòm yon pati nan yon konsekans pos-kolonyalis, pa sèlman pou Ayiti, men pou tout Karayib la, men espesyalman pou Ayisyen an. Yon istwa mwen rakonte. E se konsa li te vin jwenn mwen. Tankou, li te vin tankou lide sa a ke, istwa a istwa a mwen vle rakonte. Sa mwen te pral bay nan konferans sa a, ki te evolye nan lide mwen pou liv la se te yon Istwa Libète. Ki jan li sanble? Ki sa li vle di? E yon pati nan libète sa a se yon istwa mouvman, kapasite pou deplase, libète pou deplase. Fratènite, entèkoneksyon sa a ant Ayiti ak Jamayik atravè moun mwen trase nan liv la.
E ekzil se reyèlman kalite sikonstans ke anpil nan moun yo te jwenn tèt yo nan yon sèten degre nan ekzil. Men lè sa a, nan kou, ekzil. Se yon bagay ki ante Karayib la depi lontan. Afrikèn yo nan ekzil yo te mennen fòseman nan Karayib la atravè pasaj Mwayen an, fason ke mantalite sa a nan chèche ak jwenn yon espas pou fè pati ak jwenn yon fason pou reklame Karayib la kòm espas ou a se yon pati nan pwosesis sa a nan fason nou devlope idantite nou. E tout sa vin jwenn mwen, se anpil nan menm lespri ekzil yo. Se konsa, anpil nan ekzil yo te, nan esans, menm si yo t ap pale sou pwoblèm ak eprèv pèsonèl, men yo t ap adrese tou kesyon sa yo pi gwo sou sa sa vle di yo dwe yon moun Karayib, kèlkeswa jan yo defini li, kit se Ayisyen oswa sijè Britanik oswa sijè Panyòl, kèlkeswa sa li te ye nan yon espas lè esklavaj te fini. E konsa, ekzil jis te vle di tout sa pou mwen. Se konsa, se konsa tit la te reyini. E li te travay trè byen. Mwen te bay konferans la epi lè sa a, tit la te rete avè m e mwen te pase nan plizyè lòt tit pou tit liv la pandan li t ap evolye. E lè sa a, youn sa a jis te kontinye ap tounen kòm, kòm youn nan ki te reyèlman rezime li trè byen. Yeah. Èske te gen dezyèm tit ou te konsidere ou vle pataje? Yeah, mwen gen yon lis long yon kote. Paske se konsa mwen fè a kite m, e kèk nan yo se biza.
Kèk nan yo se mwens.
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Youn, youn mwen sonje se te Vòl Kout, Vòl Kout nan Sekirite se te youn. Sa mwen pa t renmen. Apre yon ti tan lè sa a, mwen te panse petèt sa ta ka rete kòm yon tit pou yon, yon tit pou yon chapit, e menm lè sa a, li pa t fè li kòm yon tit pou. Youn ki te la byen bonè tou, se te Lyen sa yo ki Mare, men li te sanble tankou yon kalite tit trè cliché. E lè sa a, nan fen a mwen te jwe ak tèm sa a pou sa, mwen panse mwen te itilize tèm nan nan liv la mare mare, pa vre? Tout lide mare yo ap mare Karayib la ansanm. Se konsa, mwen trase sou sa, men mwen ale tou nan kaye mwen an depi lè sa a pou m wè. Men, se te anpil, mwen te pase nan anpil tit diferan e sa mwen te fè ak yon sèl sa a, paske ou. Li. Alafen se piblikatè a ki rive konfime ki tit ou vle. Se konsa, pou yon sèl sa a sa mwen te fè se mwen te ekri yon memo long bay piblikatè mwen an ki eksplike poukisa mwen reyèlman vle tit sa a. E mwen te di, mwen konprann se ou menm, men pou mwen, tit sa a se sa mwen te ekri. E se twa mo ki mwen panse dekri tout liv la. E erezman yo te sipòte pozisyon mwen sou sa e yo te pase ladan l. Yeah. Mwen te rete ak tit la pou yon ti tan jan mwen pafwa fè, paske mo libète a liv Chelsea a te fè m refè panse mo a, libète ak jan li se yon mo konplèks miltikouch e istwa entelektyèl Ayisyen an. An tèm de jan Eileen te gade li kont kèk nan lòt zansèt yo e konsa e mwen te mare nan li ak Syèk Limyè a e, yeah. Se konsa, ki jan mo sa a libète soti nan pwen de vi Jamayiken yo e soti nan pwen de vi Ayisyen yo ki kote yo kwaze si yo fè sa, ki sa ou te gade, konpare e kontraste sa libète vle di nan yon diskisyon pi laj nou pral genyen sou de sa yo, istwa de peyi yo? Mwen fè. Mwen te fè anpil. E bagay la, e li toujou yon bagay ki trè nan kè anpil nan travay mwen fè, se konprann sa libète vle di e sa libète vle di kòm yon mo ki gen rapò, men tou ki gen yon fonksyon diferan nan pratik. Sa mwen rive nan pwen sa a se sa. Pa gen okenn definisyon estatik oswa yon sèl ke konsèp la chanje sou tan e pa diferan gwoup moun. E konsa souvan, patikilyèman nan ka Ayisyen an, nou anbrase konsèp libète a kòm evolye soti nan Papa Deline, pa vre? Sa se libète sa a soti nan kolonyalis, libète soti nan esklavaj, libète, soti nan opresyon. E sa se yon bagay ki gen pouvwa. E nan plizyè fason sa se youn nan pi gwo kado Ayiti te bay rès mond lan. Konpreyansyon fondasyon sa a an tèm reyèl sa libète vle di. Men, mwen te trè enterese, pa tèlman nan sa mwen te enterese nan konprann ki pi piti definisyon libète evolye soti nan moun mwen t ap swiv yo.
Se konsa, lè yo ap kite Ayiti pou ale Jamayik, sijè liv la, anpil nan yo, yo ap kite Ayiti, yo pa ap kite Sen Domeng, yo pa ap kite yon koloni Fransè. Se konsa, yo deja ap kite yon peyi kote yon sèten definisyon libète egziste. Men, se yon definisyon ke anpil moun santi pa anbrase oswa enkli yo. E konsa nan yon sans, gen yon rechèch pou diferan kalite libète. E se menm aksyon an pou kapab soti epi fè rechèch sa a pou, pou kite. Tè Ayiti nan tèt li se yon zak libète. Men lè sa a, lòt pati nan li tou se lè yo rive nan Jamayik, ki se yon gwo pati nan li. Yo panse yo ap rive nan yon tè libète paske lè yo ap vini nan ane 1840 yo, esklavaj te aboli nèt nan Jamayik. Men lè sa a, yo ap jwenn restriksyon la tou. Se konsa, pwòp sans yo nan sa ou ka aktyèlman fè la kont sa ou ka fè lakay ou nan Ayiti. Men tou, mezire sa kont lefèt ke nan Etazini, esklavaj toujou legal. Nan Kiba, esklavaj toujou legal, e Brezil esklavaj toujou legal. Se konsa, yo reyalize ke pa gen okenn libète reyèl ki egziste nan kote sa yo. Se konsa, yo ap chèche apèn eseye jwenn espas sa yo kote yo ka egzèse epi redefini yon fòm libète pou tèt yo. E se sa, se sa ki te reyèlman atire m. E mwen panse youn nan tèm yo anba tè nan liv la. Se wè ki jan lide sa a chanje epi chanje pandan tout peryòd tan liv la. Liv la kouvri apeprè ane 1830 yo rive 1915. E konsa sa ap chanje pou moun ki ap kite paske kèk moun ap kite kòm ekzil politik. Yo ap kite paske yo pa gen anyen ki rete nan Ayiti. Kay yo te boule pandan yon gè pwovens. Fanmi yo te fragmante oswa kèk manm touye.
Se konsa, konsèp yo sou sa Libète/libète ye, dwe deplase avèk yo. Li dwe yon konsèp mobil. E se sa mwen ap gade kounye a ki kote li kwaze ak Jamayik se sa ki enteresan se ke li sanble pou mwen ke gen moman kote gen sa mwen rele yon kalite nasyonal. View nan libète ak yon sub-nasyonal. Se konsa, vi nasyonal la se ki jan elit Jamayiken yo apre esklavaj te wè libète kòm byen ke majorite Jamayiken yo. Men, elit la mwen mansyone plis paske sa yo se moun ki nan plis kontak dirèk ak rayi. E lè sa a, gen yon diferans la ant jan yo ap defini libète ak defini libète ak fason pasyan yo travay. Ki moun yo rankontre. Yo travay avèk yo, yo viv avèk yo, yo marye, yo gen timoun avèk yo, kèk nan yo retounen Ayiti ak nouvo fanmi sa yo. Ke gen yon dekoneksyon la, e yo ap eseye jwenn yon fason pou pon diferans sa a nan pwòp espas endividyèl yo. Men pou mwen, se pa tèlman ki jan siksè yo pon li, men plis ki jan ou ka gen ko-egzistans sa a nan definisyon diferan sa yo nan libète nan menm gwoup sa yo ke mwen ap deplase ale vini. E pou mwen sa se sa ki reyèlman kaptivan. Poukisa ou te vle ranmase apre emansipasyon chak peyi a kòm pwen depa ou? Poukisa ou pa t konsidere lefèt ke Ayiti te site endepandan lontan anvan omwen petèt yon jenerasyon, pa vre?