Benin asks Lisbon for cannon and is told to open its markets first

In 1514 the oba of Benin, Ozolua, sent an embassy to Lisbon signalling interest in conversion and asking for firearms, cannon included. The King of Portugal replied that he would gladly send clergy, that the law of God forbade sending weapons to a man who was not yet a faithful Christian, and that in the meantime the oba should open his markets and let trade run freely. Trade meant captives. Baptism was the cement meant to hold the bargain together and the bargain failed. Portugal did not sell guns even to Christian African kings, and Benin did not want to sell people. When the missionaries arrived in 1515 Ozolua ignored them, and he was soon killed by his own soldiers, who had had enough of his wars. The priests left in irritation. One Edo Christian, Gregorio Lourenco, stayed on for decades as an interpreter, but a mission fixed on royal conversion had no use for him.

By 1514 the indigenous population of Hispaniola stood at about twenty-nine thousand. Estimates of what it had been in 1492 vary widely, from a few hundred thousand to more than a million, and the disagreement among historians is genuine, turning on how much land the islanders farmed and how many people that land could feed. No figure in the range makes the fall look like anything other than a collapse inside one human lifetime. Two forces did it. The first was disease. Smallpox, influenza and measles had circulated in Eurasia and Africa for centuries and the people of the Caribbean carried no resistance to any of them. The second was the labour system. Men were sent to pan gold in river gravel and women were set to work in Spanish fields, which broke up households, stopped the planting of the cassava and maize the islands lived on, and pushed the birth rate down while it pushed deaths up. Famine follows when the farmers are somewhere else.

In 1516 the chronicler Peter Martyr described the peoples of the New World as white, setting them against black Ethiopians. The comparison did more than note complexion. It placed the two groups on a ladder, and the ladder held. When Francois Bernier made the first attempt at a formal classification of human races in 1684, he assimilated the peoples of the Americas to the white race, which his scheme treated as the normal one, and left Africans at the far end of it. By the late fifteen thirties Spanish law had declared the indigenous peoples of the Americas free in principle and vassals of the crown like Spaniards, if secondary ones, while Africans remained the only openly enslaved labour force in the Spanish empire. The legal difference and the classificatory difference held each other in place for the next three centuries. A theological scheme and a natural historical one arrived at the same ranking.

Africans were on the island from about 1500. King Ferdinand sent the first official consignment in 1510, to work the mines and the sugar. Bishop Las Casas argued for the substitution in the hope of sparing the indigenous population, and lived long enough to regret having said it. The Heinls call the result a hecatomb. The system Las Casas helped licence ran for three centuries and consumed millions of lives. Two dates inside this span matter more than the rest. By 1503 enslaved Africans were already going into the mountains and building free settlements there, which makes marronage on this island older than its sugar industry and almost as old as slavery itself. In 1518 Charles the Fifth issued a formal slaving monopoly with an annual ceiling of four thousand captives, many of them taken from the coasts of Dahomey and Guinea. Those coasts became the ancestral ground of the people who took the colony back in 1804.