England enters the slave trade on a tip about Hispaniola

John Hawkins put together the first English slaving voyage in 1562 after talking with residents of the Canary Islands, who told him that planters on Hispaniola wanted captives and would pay well for them. He carried that intelligence to London and raised money on it. Sir Lionel Ducket and Sir Thomas Lodge were among the merchants who backed him, drawn by the returns being reported out of the Guinea trade. Hawkins sailed with three vessels, the Salomon of 120 tons, the Swallow of 100 tons and a small bark called the Jonas of 40 tons, carrying about a hundred men between them. Everything the English trade later became is present in that small fleet: private capital, a crown that looked away, a route to the African coast and a buyer in the Spanish Caribbean. The island those buyers were sitting on is the island this timeline is about. English slaving began as a scheme to sell people into Hispaniola, and Hispaniola is where it was aimed from the first day.

Maize most probably crossed the Atlantic on one of Columbus's return voyages in the 1490s. By the 1560s it was being grown on the west coast of Africa and in the Hunan province of China, places far from the Americas and far from one another. In those same years Spanish friars set up the first wineries of Chile, Peru and California, and people in Mexico who had never seen cattle before the conquest were working ranches that ran to 150,000 head. Communities on the Angola and Congo coastline took up maize in the late sixteenth century faster than espresso moved inland from the two coasts of the United States four hundred years later. There was nothing mysterious in that speed. The grain accounting of that stretch of coast, down to the calories one person needed in a day, made maize the practical crop, so people planted it. Crops, animals and diseases had been crossing oceans for a century before anyone called the traffic new.

Systematic shipping of African captives to Brazil began around 1560, when Portuguese planters in Pernambuco and Bahia had sugar mills running and needed a workforce larger than indigenous labour and warfare could provide. The traffic continued until 1850. About forty-four percent of everyone forced across the Atlantic ended in Brazil, more than all the Caribbean islands together and more than twelve times the number landed in mainland North America. It was also organised differently. Ships were fitted out in Salvador da Bahia and Rio de Janeiro instead of Lisbon, financed by Brazilian merchants, and paid for in Brazilian goods, tobacco and sugar brandy that African buyers wanted. A direct commercial relationship ran across the South Atlantic between Brazil and Angola for three centuries with Europe barely involved. That is why the African inheritance in Bahia can be traced to particular regions with unusual precision, and why Candomble and Haitian Vodou share structures without either having borrowed from the other.

In 1556 Henry the Second of France issued an edict enfranchising the remaining serfs of the Dauphine, the province in the southeast around Grenoble. Serfdom was already residual in France and the measure was largely administrative. Lawyers made more of it later. It became one of the texts cited in support of what French jurists called the freedom principle, the doctrine that the soil of France made free anyone standing on it, so that an enslaved person brought to a French port could sue for liberty and expect to win. That doctrine collided with the colonies. Saint-Domingue produced the wealth keeping the French treasury solvent and it produced it with slave labour, so French law had to hold two positions at once: no slavery in France, slavery everywhere France profited. The edict of 1716 and the declaration of 1738 were attempts to manage the contradiction by regulating masters who brought slaves to Paris. In 1791 it was settled from the other end.