The Glorious Revolution frees the trade in people

Eric Williams, the Trinidadian historian and politician, put the point in a sentence. The English settlement of 1688 gave a decisive push to the doctrine of open commerce, and the traffic in captive Africans was then opened on exactly the terms every other line of business was opened on, with a single difference, which lay in the nature of the goods. The goods were people. That settlement is normally taught as the moment parliamentary liberty was secured in England. In the same decades the Royal African Company lost its monopoly and English shipping was opened to any merchant who wanted to fit out a slaver, and the volume carried across the Atlantic rose sharply in consequence. The expansion of liberty at home and the expansion of the traffic in human beings abroad were produced by the same act. Saint-Domingue was reaching its first sugar boom while this was happening on the other side of the Channel.

Between 1688 and 1695 at least sixteen women taken from Veracruz were married in the parishes of Leogane, L'Ester, Petite Riviere and Croix-des-Bouquets. Every one of them appears in the register as free, and over half named their parents, which set them apart from newly landed African captives whose families the visiting friars did not record. Therese Quadrat, described as a free mulatresse and a native of Veracruz, married Guillaume Boursicot in late November 1688 and bore ten Boursicot children. Jeanne Fort married Mathurin Boulet in June 1690. Article nine of the Code Noir freed an enslaved woman whose owner married her, and made her children free and legitimate, which is the door these women went through. Their twenty nine children were baptised as mulatre or quarteron. In 1695 Marie Converque stood godmother to Therese Quadrat's daughter Marie, tying the two women together twelve years after they were carried out of Mexico.

Juana Tomasa, a mestiza from Maracaibo in Venezuela, was kidnapped when she was barely twelve and spent a decade at Petit-Goave. Questioned at Veracruz in December 1688 by the judge Fernando Lopez Ursino, she described a port that took enslaved people, linen goods, liquor and wine and paid in tobacco. That matches what the French slave trader La Courbe recorded in 1687, when he received three thousand pounds of tobacco for each person he sold. Sugarcane was still fifteen years away from dominating the colony. Tomasa said the ships entering Petit-Goave were all French, which conveniently gave the judge nothing on Dutch contraband. She said an undisclosed number of women paid six pesos each to board a French sloop that carried them to Baracoa, and that she begged the ship owner there to take them on to Havana so the pirates could not seize them again. She called herself a foreigner in Veracruz.

A census of Suriname in 1684 counted 4,137 enslaved Africans and creoles of African descent, 81 per cent of the population, along with 144 enslaved Indians. At the height of the English colony in 1663 the comparable proportion had been 55 per cent. The census of 1701 recorded 8,500 enslaved people and roughly a thousand maroons against 700 Europeans. Large sugar estates began pushing out the smaller ones in the middle of the 1680s, the enslaved population doubled again across the 1690s, and coffee added its own demand in the 1720s. By 1752 there were 37,835 enslaved people and they made up 95 per cent of everyone in the colony. The earliest surviving poison trial in the Suriname court records dates from 1731, and from 1735 to 1739 poison accounted for a tenth of all trials. The arithmetic of the plantation and the arithmetic of the poison docket moved together.