Spain signs away the western third and Saint-Domingue is named

Spain signed the Treaty of Ryswick with France, ceding the western part of the island, which the French then named Saint-Domingue. Mocombe treats the treaty as the legal starting point of the colony whose wealth and social structure his book analyses. What follows in his account is the formation of the group he calls the Affranchis. Planters fathered children by enslaved women, some married the mothers and adopted the children, and those children inherited wealth and served in the colonial police force that existed to protect the colony against the enslaved. By the end of the eighteenth century, he writes, this group owned around a quarter to a third of the colony's plantations and wealth while being barred by law from certain professions, from European dress and from sitting among whites in church.

Palmares in Pernambuco lasted nearly the whole of the seventeenth century and fell to Portuguese attack in 1697. It was already known as an unusually powerful mocambo by 1612, from the Kimbundu word mukambo, a hideout. Its people were drawn from across the Guinea coast, the Congo and Angola, and it later took in creoles and people of mixed descent. It was no egalitarian refuge. Subjects prostrated themselves before an elected king, a royal enclave had its own officials, and outlying settlements were governed by potentates in the king's name. The ruling families were closely related and one dynasty held throughout. Its political system and most of its population came from West Central Africa, probably the hinterland of Luanda. Slave disturbances in Brazil ran from 1641 to 1697 and were tangled up with wars against the quilombos, reaching their height in the campaigns against Palmares in the 1690s.

In 1698 the Dominican priest Labat was told one night that a man practising medicine was in the cabin of a sick woman on the estate he ran in Martinique. He went there meaning to have the man punished and driven off. Reaching the door he stopped and watched through the gaps in the palm trunks that walled the cabin. The sick woman lay on a mat on the ground. A small clay figure stood on a stool in the middle of the room. The man he had come to punish was kneeling in front of it and appeared to be praying with great attention, then took half a calabash holding juice, put gum on it and censed the image. Labat wrote it down as evidence of what he was up against. It survives as one of the earliest eyewitness descriptions of an African healing rite inside a slave cabin in the Caribbean.

By the 1690s the enslaved black population of Virginia outnumbered white indentured servants there by four to one. For most of the century the tobacco colony had run on indenture, which meant English and Irish people bound to labour for a term of years and then released with a claim to land. That arrangement carried an end date inside it. Slavery carried none, and the Atlantic traffic had grown large enough to supply planters at a price they preferred. The ratio is the visible result of decisions the Virginia assembly had already taken in law: making slave status inherit through the mother, closing the escape route through baptism, and fixing condition by race. The colony that later produced the sentence about all men being created equal had, by this decade, settled the prior question of who counted as a man. The same substitution of African slavery for European indenture was under way across the plantation Americas at the same moment, on English, French, Dutch and Portuguese ground alike.