A French trader says half the invading Dahomean army were women and children

A French trader named Ringard watched the first Dahomean conquest of Whydah in 1727 and wrote it down. He put the invaders at no more than three thousand people, of whom half were women and children. Whydah was the coastal kingdom through which European slave traders did their business, and taking it brought Dahomey to the sea. Robin Law, who published Ringard's account, thinks the women were most likely camp followers rather than troops, pointing out that dressing women as soldiers appears as a novelty two years later. That reading can be argued with. Agaja himself wrote in 1726 that all his subjects were bred to battle, adding in the same breath that the women stayed home to plant and manure the earth, a sentence that can be read as a statement about the planting season rather than about war. If women never fought, it is odd that he felt the need to say so.

James Papaw was set free in Virginia in 1729 by order of the governor and his council, the reward for disclosing what he knew about curing yaws. The condition attached to that freedom is the striking part. He was required to go on working for the government until he disclosed some other secrets he was said to hold, for expelling poison and for curing other diseases. Rewards of this kind were not unusual in the British colonies of North America. An enslaved man named Caesar in South Carolina was freed in 1749 for sharing what he knew about curing snakebite, and almanacs and recipe books reprinted his remedy for the rest of the century. The same secrecy that made such knowledge valuable made it frightening. A runaway advertisement of 1745 described a middle aged African man with the marks of his country on his face as a cunning, subtle fellow who pretended to be a doctor and had a great acquaintance.

Colonists in Saint-Domingue rose against the French Indies Company between 1722 and 1724, objecting to the monopoly the company held over their trade. The last of the great chartered companies to dominate the colony gave way, and the settlement was written down as the Cul de Sac Treaty of 1722. What that paper did was introduce the principle of representation into colonial administration, giving white planters a formal voice in how they were governed. Sixty years later Moreau de Saint-Mery assembled the first French colonial legal archive, six volumes of laws and constitutions for the French windward colonies published between 1784 and 1790. He approved of the fight against the monopoly. He also found the treaty alarming, because planter democracy sitting on top of a slave society pointed somewhere he did not want to go, and he cut the document from the official record. Almost everything now knowable about maroons, enslaved people and free people of colour in the colony survives inside the archive he shaped.

No general census of seventeenth century Bahia survives, although the crown ordered them. The first solid figure is ecclesiastical and comes from 1724, when 45,482 enslaved people made up 57 per cent of the population. The count did not separate free whites from free people of African descent, and travellers early in the century suggest the latter were a large share of Salvador, a city of roughly twenty five thousand. Sugar drove the demand. From 1600 to 1680 over thirteen thousand Africans were landed in Bahia, 69 per cent of them shipped from West Central African ports, and the numbers then climbed steeply, from 1,193 in the 1660s to 5,121 in the 1670s, 11,540 in the 1680s and 42,562 in the 1690s. Plantation ledgers from the 1730s suggest Africans were about three quarters of the enslaved population. Poison accusations climbed on the same curve as these figures.