Baron's confession under torture drags seven more people into court

Over the summer of 1742, after torture, an enslaved man named Baron confessed to causing his mistress's death. He said he had bought herbs from Abraham on another plantation, meaning to cool her temper and avoid future punishment rather than to kill. He also named Coffij, who belonged to the Society of Suriname itself. Coffij denied it and gave the court Askaan and Emanuiel for poisoning other enslaved people, which produced their trials, and Emanuiel's trial produced Ajuba's. Baron additionally accused Louis, a driver on his own plantation, of going about with poison, and Louis's case produced Sambo's. Suriname had sixteen poison cases in the whole of the 1730s and forty two between 1740 and the end of 1745, and eighteen of the forty two were tied to another case. Baron, Sambo, Abraham and Emanuiel were branded, pinched with hot tongs until they died, and their heads set on spikes in the Suriname river.

In 1741 the Conde das Galveas, viceroy of Brazil, sent the king a broadly positive report that ended with a warning about great illnesses sweeping Salvador, fluxes and people bleeding from the mouth. By the autumn of 1743 his tone had changed completely. More than five thousand people had sickened and died in recent years and the colony was in a terrible state. Jesuits at the Engenho de Santa Anna had already reported in the early 1730s that they could not cope with the number of sick around them. Galveas never wrote that these deaths were poisonings. In the same year as the alarming report he set in motion an ordinance on poison, which made administering it worth investigating even where nobody died, and required anyone selling poison to register with the state. Over the following decades denunciations to the Inquisition of causing or of treating such illnesses climbed rapidly.

King's explanatory mechanism for everything that follows is fiscal. From this decade the colonial administration attached increasingly heavy charges to acts of liberty, partly to raise revenue and partly to discourage manumission. Following Debien, King argues the taxes produced a class of people who were slaves in law and free in practice, known in the colony as libres de savane, bush freedmen. Their situations varied: some still owed regular payments to their former masters, others were entirely free of obligation. Many stayed near the plantation working provision grounds, some ran small businesses in the towns, and a few prospered. Business success sometimes but not always led to formal manumission afterwards. The category matters because it is where King places Toussaint, from at least 1785 and, on documents he has found, from before 1779.

Toussaint was born on 20 May 1743 at Bréda in the northern plain and he was manumitted in 1776, at thirty three. Then he stayed. He worked as a free man on and around the same estate for fifteen more years, rented land, kept livestock, and at one point held enslaved people himself. That last fact gets left out of the hero version and it should not be, because it tells you he understood the system from the inside of both of its ledgers. He was forty eight when the north rose in 1791, which made him old for a war. The literacy, the coachman's knowledge of the road network, the veterinary knowledge, the relationships with both plantation managers and field workers, none of that came from the revolution. He walked in with it, and it is why he ended up commanding rather than following.