The north rises eight days after the oath was sworn

Mocombe dates the rising itself to the twenty-second, writing that the black population of the north entered into rebellion, killing the whites and mulattoes they encountered and setting the colony's plantations alight. The eight day gap between the ceremony and the rising is deliberate in his account, since it makes the oath an act of organisation with named leaders rather than a spontaneous outburst. He lists the men the priestess had designated as commanders, including Biassou, Jeannot Bullet, Boukman Dutty, Jean Francois and Macaya. The rising took place while the whites and the free people of colour were still fighting each other over participation in colonial government and over equality of opportunity, which for Mocombe is the point: the two struggles were different in kind, and the maroons entered a war that the others had already begun for different reasons.

On 14 August 1791 Boukman gathered the conspirators at Bois Caiman, on the Lenormand de Mezy plantation, and made them swear loyalty before the rising. The ceremony was a blood oath. Under the branches of a mapou, with lightning crossing the sky and thunder over the silent assembly, a priestess made her signs and drove the sacrificial knife into the throat of a wild pig, then spread the entrails on ground flooded with blood. Boukman spoke the words in Creole. The good God who makes the sun, who lifts the sea and makes the storm rumble, is hidden in the cloud and sees everything the whites do. The god of the whites commands crime; ours asks for kindness and orders us to take vengeance. Throw away the image of the white god who thirsts for the water in our eyes, and listen to the liberty that speaks in all our hearts. Thirteen years of war followed, ending in the black state of 1804.

Bell accepts that royalist whites had a hand in encouraging the northern rising, and then draws a line under it. Whatever arrangements existed before, from 22 August 1791 the black leaders of the slave revolt definitively stopped acting on white instructions. The mechanism is scale. Once the plain was burning and tens of thousands of people were in arms, no small group of counter-revolutionary planters could steer the movement, and the surviving eyewitness testimony that the plotters cited proved nothing about who was giving orders afterwards. Bell places this inside a wider account of how badly the colonial administration read its own situation, quoting contemporaries who thought Governor Blanchelande a puppet of an assembly of fools. The point sets up his treatment of Toussaint, who moved through the following two years without leaving a clear trail.

One week after the north burned, a delegation of Saint-Domingue planters arrived in the United States asking for military and financial help to put the rising down. Julius Scott's account of what happened next is the useful part. The American response was tangled, because the same republic that had just finished its own revolution had a slaveholding South that badly wanted this fire extinguished, and a merchant class that badly wanted the Saint-Domingue trade to keep running. Aid was sent. It was also hedged. What Scott tracks in The Common Wind is the other network moving in the same water: sailors, dockworkers, runaways and free black mariners carrying news of the rising into every port in the Caribbean and up the American coast faster than any government could suppress it. The planters sailed north to ask for soldiers. The news had already sailed north without them.