The Convention frees every French colony and makes the freed citizens

After the first election held on multiracial terms anywhere in the French empire, Sonthonax dispatched a mixed delegation to Paris, and the Convention responded to his accomplished fact by abolishing slavery throughout the empire. Geggus emphasises that the decree not only freed but declared the freed to be citizens, and that even radical Jacobins had reservations about how disruptive it might prove. In practice most former slaves remained subject to forced labour along the lines Sonthonax had already designed, a kind of profit-sharing serfdom that tied them to their old estates, and few could exercise political rights. The decree nonetheless worked as a weapon: French agents used it to stir black resistance in British colonies, and in Saint-Domingue it helped persuade insurgents who had joined Spain to switch sides, most importantly Toussaint Louverture, whose reversal united black self-liberation with the resources of a powerful state.

The Republic's abolition of slavery in February 1794 joined libertarian politics to antislavery and put the resources of a great power behind black self liberation. Geggus stresses the immediate strategic use to which this was put. For several years emancipation became a tool of war directed mainly at Britain's islands, producing the multi class risings in the British Windward Islands that Victor Hugues supported from Guadeloupe and the commissioner Goyrand from Saint Lucia. He suggests the Coro rebellion in Venezuela the same year belongs in this family, given French privateers offshore and the insurgents' call for a republic and for French law, while noting that other historians read the French connection as an alibi invented by Spanish officials to hide their own conduct. He adds that once the Republic adopted emancipation it pushed the policy abroad far more energetically than the black leadership of Saint-Domingue ever did.

In 1794 the people of Philadelphia raised fourteen thousand dollars for refugees from Saint Domingue. Thirteen thousand of it paid to send white refugees back to the island. Another four thousand was collected to buy passages to France, and more went to widows of men who had died in the colony. Black refugees were given no relief by the French authorities, by the government of George Washington or by the private donors. At that moment Absalom Jones and Richard Allen were collecting small sums to build the African Church of Philadelphia, which became the first black church erected in the United States. White philanthropy turned toward the fleeing colonists and the church fund stalled. Its organisers had spent two years gathering three thousand five hundred dollars. Twelve thousand was raised in a few days for slaveholders who had just lost the labour of the people they owned.

David Geggus worked through seventy five surviving plantation inventories from Saint Domingue, covering roughly fifteen thousand enslaved people and recording ethnicity, age and sex. Among the African born on sugar estates, the group the records call Congos was the largest in all three regions of the colony. They were 43.5 per cent in the North between 1777 and 1791, 36.3 per cent in the South between 1771 and 1791, and 32.4 per cent in the West between 1773 and 1791. The North was where the rising of 1791 began. The label needs care. John Thornton warns that Congo was used loosely and served the French and the colonial upper class as a term of contempt for the African born. Gwendolyn Midlo Hall notes that the same people were recorded as Congos in French and Spanish colonies and as Angolans in British ones.