Peace in Europe is signed so that war can begin in the Caribbean

Bonaparte pressed Talleyrand to conclude peace with England as fast as possible on the ground that the equinox was near and every day counted. The preliminaries were signed on the first of October, in time to fit out a fleet before the warm season brought fevers to the Caribbean, and Bonaparte immediately announced a massive expedition under General Leclerc. Girard's point is that the calendar drove the diplomacy. British mastery of the sea had made any large French expedition impossible for years, so removing the Royal Navy from the equation was the precondition for the invasion. He also shows the British agreeing readily. A British secretary of state observed that the empire Louverture had built was one of many evils grown out of the war and that Britain had no interest in preventing its destruction. Where this account departs from the standard one: Girard shows racial and social hierarchies overriding a decade of Anglo-French enmity, with Britain and the United States actively assisting the destruction of Louverture's regime.

From 1801, under Toussaint Louverture, the tactic of marronnage revived in Saint Domingue. The people who had been enslaved were now legally free and were being held to compulsory labour on the large estates, producing export crops over which they had no control, and they answered as they had answered slavery. They withdrew onto land where they could grow food, and rebuilt the structures of mutual support that two centuries of African practice in the Caribbean had shaped. When the moment allowed, they rose against the state and the large proprietors. Reading Haitian history as a clean break at 1804 hides this, because the political stage changed hands while the labour question stood still. For the former slaves, control over their own economic and social life remained as unsettled after independence as before, and the machinery used to compel their work was inherited rather than dismantled.

Slavery had never been abolished in Martinique, because a British occupation kept the French emancipation law of 1794 from ever taking effect there. When Britain returned the island under the peace of Amiens in September 1802, France recovered a colony where the old system was still running and where British ships had kept the traffic from Africa going right through the war. French traders resumed at once. The first two French slaving vessels arrived in October, a month after the handover. By April 1803 French and British ships together had landed two thousand nine hundred people there. The contrast with Saint-Domingue is the point. In the larger colony the black population was armed and numerous, and French commanders kept postponing any public restoration of slavery. In Martinique nothing had to be restored. The traffic picked up where the war had interrupted it, under a French flag instead of a British one.

In 1803 the American wax artists Davenport and Bishop toured a collection of figures that included the black general Toussaint, described as the late governor of the colony and modelled from an existing painting. Wax was the most lifelike medium of the age, imitating flesh better than any other material, and figures were built at full size with real hair and appropriate clothing. Shows ran in taverns, hotels and rented rooms at low prices, drew large crowds, and this itinerary crossed the line between free and slave states, taking in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Rhode Island. White stresses what the billing does. Louverture is called only by his first name and placed down the list between a local beauty and a moral scene rather than among the white revolutionary luminaries, yet he is presented as a commander, which cut directly against French policy at that moment.