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Petion and Boyer let the plantation die, and Stein defends them

the years after independence · span · Haitian

The 1800sSovereignty1 source
the years after independence · Haitianspan

Petion and Boyer let the plantation die, and Stein defends them

Blaming them for Haiti's economic fate ignores collapsing markets and the French indemnity.

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Stein ends by defending the two rulers usually charged with wrecking the Haitian economy. Dessalines and Christophe could not grant the land reform ordinary farm workers wanted, because achieving and defending independence required plantation wealth for expensive national defence and for living regally. Only when the danger of French invasion passed, and the leaders' own pretensions declined, was a programme satisfying the typical farm worker carried out, and that was the work of Petion and Boyer, who abandoned the attempt to revive the plantation and let freed people hold their small plots. Stein calls the criticism unfair to both the rulers and the common people. Even intact, Haitian plantations would have suffered from changing Atlantic trade patterns, the general decline of the West Indian colonies and the crushing indemnities France demanded, and the majority were unalterably opposed to the system anyway. Where this account departs from the standard one: Rejects the argument, credited to the Heinls among others, that Petion and Boyer sealed Haiti's economic fate by scuttling the plantation system.

Alexandre PetionHenry ChristopheJean-Jacques DessalinesJean-Pierre Boyer Haiti
Where this comes from Stein, R. (1983). Revolution, land reform, and plantation discipline in Saint Domingue. p. 185.in the library Where this account departs from the standard oneRejects the argument, credited to the Heinls among others, that Petion and Boyer sealed Haiti's economic fate by scuttling the plantation system.
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Meanwhile, and next door

18 January 1810 · Diaspora

A governor counts eight hundred armed men and calls them a risk

Their conduct had been correct, he wrote, and they should be carefully watched.

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In January 1810, with the last ships from Cuba still arriving, Governor William Claiborne set down his view of the population he now governed. He confessed apprehension that disorder might break out in a place so mixed and growing more mixed every day. He put the number of free men of colour in and around New Orleans capable of bearing arms at not less than eight hundred, counting those recently landed from Cuba. He allowed that their conduct so far had been correct. He then added that in a country with so large a black population they should be carefully watched. He had already asked the American consul at Santiago de Cuba to steer the remaining French elsewhere, and in November he made the same request of the American agent in Jamaica, saying that Louisiana already had a greater proportion of that kind of population than suited its interests. A rising of enslaved people broke out upriver the following year.

William C. C. Claiborne New OrleansSantiago de CubaJamaica
Where this comes from Source not recorded for this entry.
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the last months of 1805 · Caribbeanseason

A snubbed agent invents a Caribbean-wide revolution

Told by Ferrand he had been useless, Lartigue produced a conspiracy running from Jacmel to Trinidad.

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Lartigue accused Dessalines of sending emissaries to St Thomas to raise the Danish islands, and later described a plan to descend on Martinique and Guadeloupe, kill the inhabitants, burn the towns, raise the enslaved and free people of colour and form fourteen regiments. Gaffield traces the chain. An Englishman named Yong told him that at Jacmel General Moreau had said Haiti expected news at any moment that the enslaved of the French islands had risen. From that Lartigue concluded Dessalines was organising the risings, and he began describing passing travellers of colour as emissaries and their meeting place as a Haitian club. Gaffield notes the motive: on 25 September Lartigue had written acknowledging Ferrand's complaint that he had so far been of no use. Geggus treats the expedition as a rumour spread by a colonist; Jenson thinks there is too much smoke for no fire. Where this account departs from the standard one: Gaffield argues the conspiracy theory that Dessalines was exporting revolution originated in one agent's need to prove his own usefulness, and she sets Geggus's dismissal against Jenson's partial defence of it.

Arnaud Andre Roberjot LartigueDavid GeggusDeborah JensonGeneral MoreauJean-Louis Ferrand GuadeloupeJacmelMartiniqueSt ThomasTrinidad
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1802 · Pre-Revolutionaryyear only

The Maurepas family is flogged to death from a ship's yards

A general's wife and children were hung from the spars in the Tortuga channel and thrown in the sea.

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Maurepas was one of Toussaint Louverture's officers and commanded the department of the Northwest. In 1802 his wife shared his end. In the channel between Tortuga and the mainland the whole family was hoisted and hung from the great yards of a ship and flogged until they died, and the bodies were then thrown into the sea. The account records that Madame Maurepas spent the time urging her husband and her children to die like heroes rather than complaining. The same pages list Madame Chevalier, who put the noose around her own neck on the deck of the Duquesne, Madame Paul Louverture, taken by night with her children and drowned in the roadstead of Cap, and Louise Rateau, who kept a house in Port-au-Prince where men plotting against Rochambeau could meet. General Leclerc wrote to Napoleon that it had to be seen with what spirit both men and women went to meet death.

Madame MaurepasMaurepasCharles LeclercMadame ChevalierLouise Rateau TortugaCap FrancaisPort-au-Prince
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