Schoelcher becomes the first European abolitionist to visit Haiti

Other European abolitionists depended at best on contact with the Haitian government for information. Schoelcher went. His voyage took in Dominica, Antigua, Saint Thomas and Cuba among others, and in Haiti he met figures including the widow of Dessalines and opposition leaders such as Herard Dumesle. He records his own anxiety as the ship entered the harbour, saying he desired, hoped and feared, and asking whether he would find the disorder the enemies of the revolution had predicted and whether his faith in the perfectibility of all human races would break. The article treats the voyage as a test of Schoelcher as much as of Haiti, since he shared the vocabulary of barbarism and civilisation with the country's critics and set out to contest what those words meant when applied to it.

Britain abolished slavery throughout its colonies in 1834 and France did the same in 1848. The effects crossed to the United States at once, because both sides of the American argument found what they were looking for in the same islands. Abolitionists were emboldened by the absence of avenging violence after emancipation, which answered the standing prediction that freed people would murder their former owners. Defenders of slavery pointed to the economic failure of the plantations under a system of non slave labour, which answered the standing claim that free labour would be more productive. Each camp had a real fact and used it. For thirty years the British and French Caribbean served the United States as the working experiment its own debate lacked, which is one reason the region stayed present in American politics through the decades before the Civil War.

James McCune Smith, a leading New York abolitionist who had taken his medical degree in Scotland because American schools would not have him, delivered a lecture on Toussaint Louverture at a benefit for the Colored Orphan Asylum. Excerpts ran in the Colored American that October and later in the North Star. Jackson places the lecture in a long line of black American writing that used the Haitian leader as evidence in an argument about capacity, running from the early press through William Wells Brown, who escaped slavery in 1834 and lectured and published on Saint-Domingue and its patriots before bringing out The Black Man in 1863. He notes that France had recognised Haitian independence in 1825 and Britain in 1833, while the United States withheld recognition until 1862, after the southern states had left the union.

Against the standard account of Haiti as a target of foreign predation, Girard sets out its own record on the eastern side of the island. Louverture invaded in 1801 and withdrew when Leclerc arrived. Dessalines invaded in 1805, a campaign remembered chiefly for rape, torture, plunder and the enslavement of prisoners as his troops retreated. Boyer succeeded in 1821 and the occupation lasted twenty three years. When the Dominicans declared independence in 1844 the Haitians launched a failed campaign to recover them, followed by three more invasions under Soulouque in 1849, 1850 and 1855 that pushed the border out along the central plateau but never delivered the whole island. After that Haiti financed rebellions in the east in 1861 and 1870 and then stopped. Girard argues the retreat from empire tracked the collapse of Haitian military power rather than any change of principle. Where this account departs from the standard one: Girard reframes nineteenth century Haiti as an imperial power in its own right rather than a consistent victim of imperialism.