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The Septentrional fault moves and shakes the whole of Hispaniola

7 May 1842 · Haitian

The 1800sSovereignty1 source
7 May 1842 · Haitian

The Septentrional fault moves and shakes the whole of Hispaniola

Sixty prisoners walked out of the wrecked jail at Gonaives before the fire started.

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On Saturday 7 May 1842 the Septentrional fault in northern Hispaniola moved. Witnesses said the ground worked for several minutes and came in two distinct shocks, the second doing most of the harm. In Port-au-Prince people ran out of the downtown buildings into the streets, and the coat of arms above the Senate entrance fell and shattered, which onlookers read as a sign that the government would come down too. Tremors went on through the weekend, and a heavy one broke up mass on Sunday 8 May. Reports reached the capital from Puerto Plata, Gonaives and Saint-Marc, and from Falmouth in western Jamaica. A mountain near Saint-Marc was said to have split in two. James Hartwell, a British missionary in Port-au-Prince, wrote to England wondering why the capital had been spared. At Gonaives the government house, the arsenal, the treasury and the prison collapsed, sixty prisoners escaped, and a fire the next evening burned much of the rest.

James Hartwell Cap-HaitienPort-au-PrinceGonaivesSaint-Marc
Where this comes from Smith, M. J. (2014). Liberty, fraternity, exile: Haiti and Jamaica after emancipation. University of North Carolina Press. pp. 46-47.
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Meanwhile, and next door

1816 to 1843 · Indigenousspan

Two constitutions naturalise people of African or Indian descent

Affiliation with aboriginal peoples was written into nineteenth-century immigration law.

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Perry shows the analogy between aboriginal and African enslavement acquiring legal force. Both Alexandre Pétion's 1816 constitution and the post-Boyer constitution of 1843 allowed the immigration and naturalisation of individuals of either African or Indian descent. In this vision, she argues, Afro-diasporic Haitians and the descendants of the Taino could be indigenous at the same time, because the label above all designates a relation to Europeans as usurpers, a position that ought normatively to produce anticolonial alliance. She sets this beside Dessalines's address to the people after a failed expedition against French troops in the Spanish half of Hispaniola, in which he presumed that the indigènes espagnols, descendants of the Indians destroyed by the first usurpers of the island, would seize the chance to sacrifice to the spirits of their ancestors. That expectation was disappointed.

Alexandre PétionJean-Pierre Boyer HaitiSanto Domingo
Meanwhile, and next door Read these right here. You keep your place. Peek ›7 May 1842The Septentrional fault moves and shakes the whole of Hispaniola
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1819 to 1869 · Diasporaspan

Marie Laveau marries a man from Saint Domingue

Her first husband carried the Haitian connection into the most powerful spiritual house in New Orleans.

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Marie Laveau was born in New Orleans, probably in 1801, a free woman of colour and a Catholic. In 1819 she married Jacques Paris, a free man of colour born in Saint Domingue, at St Louis Cathedral. The marriage lasted only a few years, and through it she most likely formed her understanding of what Vodou could do as political resistance. She attended mass daily at the same cathedral, whose congregation was largely made up of free women of colour and was among the most integrated places in the world at the time. She reigned as Vodou queen of the city from 1850 to 1869, running a spiritual house on the Haitian model from St Ann Street. She nursed people through yellow fever epidemics, worked with prisoners under sentence of death, distributed gris gris, and held ceremonies at Lake Pontchartrain that only initiates attended. Her reach crossed lines of race, class, colour and religion that almost nobody else crossed.

Marie LaveauJacques Paris New Orleans
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1834 to 1848 · Caribbeanspan

Two emancipations become evidence in an American quarrel

Britain freed its colonies in 1834 and France in 1848, and both American camps read the results.

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Britain abolished slavery throughout its colonies in 1834 and France did the same in 1848. The effects crossed to the United States at once, because both sides of the American argument found what they were looking for in the same islands. Abolitionists were emboldened by the absence of avenging violence after emancipation, which answered the standing prediction that freed people would murder their former owners. Defenders of slavery pointed to the economic failure of the plantations under a system of non slave labour, which answered the standing claim that free labour would be more productive. Each camp had a real fact and used it. For thirty years the British and French Caribbean served the United States as the working experiment its own debate lacked, which is one reason the region stayed present in American politics through the decades before the Civil War.

British CaribbeanFrench CaribbeanUnited States
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