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Herard enters Port-au-Prince as provisional president

4 April 1843 · Haitian

The 1800sSovereignty1 source
4 April 1843 · Haitian

Herard enters Port-au-Prince as provisional president

Pestel in February, Jeremie four days later, then Leogane in March finish a twenty-five-year presidency.

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The rising that began at a plantation in late January moved through three engagements. The first was at Pestel on 21 February, the second near Jeremie on the twenty fifth, where another of the president's generals was fatally wounded and his men routed, and the decisive third at Leogane on 12 March, where the government army was beaten. Herard entered the capital as provisional president in April. Baur's closing account is of a collapse that outran the man. The eastern territory Boyer had held since 1822 revolted in 1844 and became the Dominican Republic, black politicians who had expected supremacy on his fall rose against his successor that same April, and an age of black rule began. Boyer moved to France in 1848 and died in Paris on 9 July 1850.

Charles Riviere-HerardJean-Pierre Boyer JeremieLeoganePestelPort-au-Prince
Where this comes from Baur, J. E. (1947). Mulatto Machiavelli, Jean Pierre Boyer, and the Haiti of his day. p. 349.in the library
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Meanwhile, and next door

1834 to 1848 · Caribbeanspan

Two emancipations become evidence in an American quarrel

Britain freed its colonies in 1834 and France in 1848, and both American camps read the results.

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Britain abolished slavery throughout its colonies in 1834 and France did the same in 1848. The effects crossed to the United States at once, because both sides of the American argument found what they were looking for in the same islands. Abolitionists were emboldened by the absence of avenging violence after emancipation, which answered the standing prediction that freed people would murder their former owners. Defenders of slavery pointed to the economic failure of the plantations under a system of non slave labour, which answered the standing claim that free labour would be more productive. Each camp had a real fact and used it. For thirty years the British and French Caribbean served the United States as the working experiment its own debate lacked, which is one reason the region stayed present in American politics through the decades before the Civil War.

British CaribbeanFrench CaribbeanUnited States
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1841 to 1862 · Diasporaspan

A woman said to be of Haitian descent shapes a French poet's whole aesthetic

Jeanne Duval was with Baudelaire for over twenty years and nobody checked her origins.

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In 1841 Charles Baudelaire, newly twenty, was put aboard a ship for Calcutta by his stepfather. He got as far as Mauritius and Bourbon, then part of France's plantation empire, and the voyage fed poems that later appeared in Les Fleurs du Mal. Back in Paris he began a relationship with an actress known as Jeanne Duval, widely reported to be of Haitian descent, whom he called his Black Venus. It ran more than twenty years. She is the subject of many of his own drawings and of a canvas by Edouard Manet, and visitors described finding him reading unpublished work aloud to her. Emmanuel Richon showed in 1998 that scholars had never established her origins and had repeated without evidence that she infected the poet with syphilis, when the transmission more likely went the other way. Slavery was abolished in Bourbon and the other French possessions less than seven years after his visit, while Paris argued about the equality of the races.

Jeanne DuvalCharles BaudelaireEmmanuel RichonEdouard Manet ParisBourbonMauritius
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1843 to 1848 · Haitianspan

Acaau's piquets demand land, prices and a black president

The oligarchy answered a peasant war by installing black figureheads it could govern behind.

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The crisis that ended Boyer's rule opened into peasant insurrection. Jean-Jacques Acaau and Jeannot Moline led risings from 1843 to 1848 known as the war of the Piquets. Their demands were land, better prices for produce and a black man in the presidency. The scale of the fighting pushed the governing groups into alliance against the peasantry. The device they used has a name in Haitian political language, the politique de doublure, the understudy policy. Black men drawn from the ruling strata were placed in the presidency while the mulatto oligarchy governed from behind, smothering the political claims of the men it had installed along with the movements in the countryside. Men handled this way were called kongo, a word still used in Haiti for a black man who has sold himself and collaborates without pride. Acaau is credited with the saying that a rich black is a mulatto and a poor mulatto is a black.

Jean-Jacques AcaauJeannot Moline Haiti
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