Hyppolite takes power by coup and keeps it by works and executions

Largey establishes the political ground of his argument with Florvil Hyppolite, who wrested the presidency from General Francois Legitime in a successful coup in 1889. The mechanism of his hold on power was double. His administration, though corrupt, was popular because it established social programmes including a department of public works, and the army was firmly under his control through regional commanders in the north, the Artibonite and the south. When a band of rebels from northern Haiti overran the national prison in Port-au-Prince in 1891 to free their comrades, his forces repelled them and executed dozens of conspirators, which discouraged further attempts. Largey needs this because Hyppolite's rhetoric drew freely on Dessalines, and a president who invoked the founder ended up absorbed into the myths he was trying to use.

Dahomey had been the dominant power on its stretch of the West African coast since the 1720s. French forces conquered it between 1892 and 1894, and the kingdom stopped existing as a political entity in 1900, when the French removed its last king. A degree of institutional continuity survived through rituals performed at the royal palace in the capital city of Abomey, which became a museum. The defeat also loosened the rules about what could be spoken. The origins of the royal clan had been guarded as a secret held inside the dynasty, and no account of them appears in any European source written before the monarchy was destroyed. Within about a decade of the conquest a French colonial official named Le Herisse published what became the classic version of Dahomian traditional history, taken from a single informant, Agbidinukun, a brother of the last independent king Behanzin who served the French as a district chief. What the palace had kept turned into a printed book.

In 1888 the New York Times told its readers that a revolution would be welcomed with fierce joy by what it called the black savages of the interior, who stood ready at the first signal to come down on the towns and, maddened by rum, to commit every outrage imaginable. The same paper later described a highly emotional population with little beyond tribal rule and superstition to guide it, and therefore open to demagogues. Bellegarde-Smith sets those sentences beside the New York Times of 2010, whose columnists explained the country through cultural inferiority and the influence of Vodou, and beside a Wall Street Journal piece of the same year resting on the claim that culture matters and race does not. He treats the vocabulary as the visible surface of a colonial discourse running since the late eighteenth century, and notes that the paper had kept a resident correspondent in Haiti from the late nineteenth century into the late 1950s.

The Jamaica International Exhibition opened in 1891 under Governor Henry Blake. Kingston was hung with wreaths and triumphal arches, fireworks were set off, and visitors came in from the countryside and from abroad over the fourteen weeks it ran. Haiti had attempted the same thing ten years before. The Haitian Exhibition of 1881, staged under Lysius Salomon, failed to raise the foreign interest in Haitian agriculture that its organisers wanted. Jamaica hoped for more and got less than it spent, since the show ended as a financial loss. The colony counted tourism and foreign investment as the real return. Royal Mail steamers arriving weekly were joined by United Fruit ships bringing visitors from Boston, Philadelphia, New York and Baltimore. Government money then went into hotels, and the Myrtle Bank, the Constant Spring and the Queen's became the places tourists stayed. Both islands were being drawn into an American commercial system, from opposite ends of it.