Two priests burn and then fell the palms at Ville Bonheur

Our Lady of Mount Carmel appeared in the crown of a royal palm at Ville Bonheur, and the miracles that followed made the place a national pilgrimage. It grew after the Dominican Republic closed its frontier to the Haitians who used to cross every year to the grotto of Higuey. Because the waterfall of Saut d'Eau stood nearby, the spirits of vodou claimed the site as well. Candles and food offerings were laid at the foot of the palms beside the candles of Christian penitence, and possession trances ran through the crowd alongside the liturgical singing. The church first doubted the apparitions, then denied them, then acted. One priest set fire to the trunks of several palms and was cursed by the crowd; he is said to have lost his reason soon after. His successor called in the secular arm and had every palm cut down, and was later struck with stiffness in both legs. The pilgrims read both events as vengeance.

On 12 August 1915 American Marines stood inside the Haitian National Assembly with fixed bayonets until the members confirmed Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave as president. Dartiguenave, born on 6 April 1863 into a wealthy light skinned family, had been president of the Senate when Sam was killed. The Americans refused Rosalvo Bobo, the man most likely to win, and settled on Dartiguenave as someone who would cooperate. He was the first light skinned southerner to hold the office since 1879, and he governed as a proxy for American officials who ran the money, the armed forces and foreign policy. He signed a treaty giving the occupation legal form and placing Haitian finances under American control. The Haitian army was dissolved and replaced by a national guard armed, trained and commanded by the United States. That guard administered the corvée, which required peasants to work without pay on the national roads, a compulsory labour system imposed on the grandchildren of people who had fought a revolution to end compulsory labour.

In January 1906 L'Etoile Africaine ran articles on the Pan-African movement then taking shape. The movement was six years old, dating from the London conference of 1900, and it had almost no institutional existence yet: a handful of meetings, a few journals, letters passing between men in the West Indies, the United States, west Africa and Europe. A paper in Port-au-Prince publishing its arguments was one of the connections that made it a movement at all. Haiti's place in this was peculiar. It was the reference point everyone in the network cited, the proof that black self government existed, and it was at the same time a poor country under mounting American pressure whose own newspapers were reading about the black world elsewhere. The journal's name states the position it took. The link ran both ways, and Haitian intellectuals were consumers of Pan-African thought as well as its favourite example.

Antoine Simon entered Port-au-Prince on 5 December 1908 and was proclaimed head of the executive. On 20 December a Senate ringed by soldiers gave him 117 votes and nothing against. He had begun as a rural section chief outside Les Cayes, had run the South for years without much cruelty, and had used his soldiers to work the old plantations he had collected. The American minister Henry Furniss thought him plain, decent and reasonably shrewd, and surrounded by officials who wanted only to fill their pockets fast. Simon could not read and spoke little French. In Les Cayes that had cost him nothing. In the capital the educated class turned his Creole and his manners into a running joke. He also served the spirits, and Furniss reported that as military governor of the South he had persuaded a bishop to say a mass over a dead white goat carried into the cathedral in a closed coffin. His own finance minister told Furniss that he had known there were thieves in the government and had not expected a den of them.