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Faysal loses Syria and is given Iraq instead

23 August 1921 · Diaspora

The 1900sSezisman1 source
23 August 1921 · Diaspora

Faysal loses Syria and is given Iraq instead

The French pushed him out in 1920 and the British crowned him in Baghdad a year later.

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Amir Faysal, driven out of Syria by the French in the summer of 1920, was proclaimed king of Iraq on 23 August 1921. General Gouraud had already proclaimed the state of Greater Lebanon with Beirut as its capital on 1 September 1920, and on 24 July 1922 the League of Nations Council gave its approval to the mandates covering Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine together with Transjordan. In the British sphere Egypt was the first to be granted formal independence, by a declaration of 21 February 1922 that ended the protectorate while reserving a list of British rights, and a constitution of 19 April 1923 made it a hereditary monarchy under King Fuad. Zeine treats the years from 1918 to 1920 as the decisive ones. Arab nationalism took its modern shape in them, living on resentment of Anglo French domination and on opposition to the Jewish national home in Palestine.

FaysalHenri GouraudFuad I IraqSyriaLebanonEgypt
Where this comes from Zeine, E. N. (1970). The Cambridge history of Islam, Volume 1B: The central Islamic lands since 1918. Cambridge University Press. p. 574.
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Meanwhile, and next door

December 1921 · Haitianmonth known

A French bishop tells a US senator who led the revolt

Asked whether Vodou had declined under the occupation, Jan answered that it had increased.

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In December 1921 a United States Senate commission was in Haiti investigating reports of atrocities committed during the occupation. Senator Medill McCormick questioned Jean Marie Jan, the French Catholic bishop of Cap Haitien. Jan called the occupation an act of kindness, then explained the war against the Americans by saying the people had been driven to desperation by arbitrariness, injustice and mistreatment and had proclaimed their right to defend themselves. Asked whether Vodou had diminished since the landing, he answered that it had increased, and that the greatest cause was that the boko had been the soul of the insurrection. He also asked whether Washington intended to impose Protestantism by force. He had grounds. Edwin Denby, the American under secretary of the navy, was writing to E. O. Watson of the Council of Churches that Haiti lay within the sphere of the United States and that the Navy Department would be happy to facilitate the work of the missionary societies.

Jean Marie JanMedill McCormickEdwin Denby Cap HaitienHaiti
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1920s to 1930s · Africanspan

Padmore runs the Comintern's African section from 1927

Kouyate's newspapers, Diagne's accommodation, and a dock strike at Conakry in 1919.

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Between the wars a class of educated Africans in the French territories began arguing about politics in print, and the administration worried that they would find a rural following. Tiemoko Garan Kouyate, an activist and for a time a communist, wrote about the emerging African proletariat and about nationalism. He belonged to a set of men across French western and equatorial Africa who ran newspapers, built the first trade unions and corresponded with Marcus Garvey and with George Padmore, the Trinidadian who took charge of the African section of the Comintern in 1927. Plenty of African politicians in these years worked with the colonial order. Blaise Diagne, elected to the French assembly from Senegal in 1914 on rural votes, made himself an ally of France and defended its policies in public, conscription included. Andre Matswa built a society in the French Congo in the late 1920s demanding French citizenship and the rights attached to it, and by the early 1930s the administration had broken both him and it. Dockers struck at Conakry in 1919 and railwaymen in 1925 and 1938.

Tiemoko Garan KouyateGeorge PadmoreBlaise DiagneAndre MatswaMarcus Garvey SenegalFrench CongoConakryPorto NovoLome
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1921 to 1922 · Diasporaspan

A general tells the Senate that Haitians were minors in his care

Butler's testimony is Renda's clearest evidence that paternalism was machinery, not decoration.

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Testifying before the Senate select committee that investigated the occupation in 1921 and 1922, General Smedley Butler said that the men who ran it understood themselves as trustees of a large estate belonging to minors, that Haitians were wards and that the Americans were building a rich and productive property to be handed over when their own government saw fit. Renda builds her argument on this. Historians have treated paternalism either as a genuine benevolence, or as a mitigating factor, or as rhetoric to be seen through, and she rejects all three. Paternalism was a whole constellation of images and values that shaped American relations with former European colonies, an assertion of authority and control expressed through the metaphor of fatherhood, structured as much by discipline as by care. On her reading it was not opposed to violence but one of the cultural vehicles for it. Where this account departs from the standard one: Renda rejects both the view that paternalism softened the occupation and the view that it was mere cover story, arguing it was an operative mechanism of violence.

Mary RendaSmedley Butler HaitiWashington
Meanwhile, and next door Read these right here. You keep your place. Peek ›23 August 1921Faysal loses Syria and is given Iraq instead
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