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Black infant mortality runs at double the white rate

1930 · year only · Diaspora

The 1900sSezisman1 source
1930 · Diasporayear only

Black infant mortality runs at double the white rate

C. Vann Woodward dated the perfection of the Jim Crow system to the 1930s.

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Hoover's social scientists reported that infant mortality among black Americans in 1930 was nearly double the white rate, ten per cent against six, and that black life expectancy was fifteen years shorter, forty five years against sixty. Fewer than five per cent of eligible African Americans in the eleven states of the former Confederacy were registered to vote as late as 1940. Separate waiting rooms, separate drinking fountains, separate churches and deliberately inferior schools were the ordinary furniture of life, and the few industrial jobs in the South were closed to black workers. C. Vann Woodward called the arrangement an anthropological museum of southern folkways and dated its perfection to the 1930s. The historian Ulrich Phillips wrote in 1928 that white southerners shared one settled resolve, that the region should remain a white man's country. This is the United States that occupied Haiti until 1934.

C. Vann WoodwardUlrich Phillips United States
Where this comes from Kennedy, D. M. (1999). Freedom from fear, part one: The American people in the Great Depression. Oxford University Press. p. 19.
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Meanwhile, and next door

1923 to 1930 · Haitianspan

An agricultural school frightens the elite more than any gendarme did

The Service Technique set out to make a landowning Black peasantry, and Port-au-Prince recoiled.

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The Service Technique de l'Agriculture et de l'Enseignement Professionnel was organised in April 1923 and became the most far reaching American programme in Haiti. Its declared functions were agricultural training, research, farm schools, advice to adult farmers, animal clinics, field experiments and vocational instruction. Russell's larger aim was to raise from the peasantry a class of Black smallholders with schooling, capital and access to markets. The record is real. Experimental stations, a cattle breeding station at Hinche, the agricultural school at Damien that one historian called a miniature Tuskegee, demonstration farms, Plantation Dauphin at Fort Liberte with the largest sisal acreage in the world, tobacco brought back as a money crop, national soil surveys, and veterinary clinics that treated more than a hundred thousand animals. The hostility it drew ran far beyond agronomy. Since 1804 the oligarchy's position had rested on the peasantry having no schooling, no capital and no market. A programme that undid any one of those undid the oligarchy, and its members understood this faster than the Americans did.

John H. RussellService Technique HaitiHincheDamienFort Liberte
Where this comes from Source not recorded for this entry.
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1930s to 1941 · Africanspan

Nigerian nationalism splits along Yoruba and Igbo lines in 1941

The Youth Movement asked for autonomy inside the British empire and broke apart over which people would lead.

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Herbert Macauley founded the Nigerian National Democratic Party and put anticolonial argument on a territorial footing, addressing Nigeria as a country rather than a set of localities. In 1936 younger men who found Macauley too cautious broke away and formed the Nigerian Youth Movement. Their demand was complete autonomy within the British empire, with a united Nigerian nation to follow. They drew wide support for a few years. In 1941 the movement tore itself apart over rivalry between Yoruba and Igbo members, each side convinced the other meant to dominate whatever state emerged. The same problem showed elsewhere. In Uganda much of the protest was aimed at the dominant position of the Ganda rather than at the British, and the standing quarrel over Buganda and its kabaka promised trouble for any future national settlement. What these movements shared was youth. Educated, mobile, often both, young Africans were forging the new political identities, and they carried their fathers' quarrels into them.

Herbert MacauleyNigerian Youth MovementYorubaIgboGanda NigeriaUgandaBuganda
Meanwhile, and next door Read these right here. You keep your place. Peek ›1923 to 1930An agricultural school frightens the elite more than any gendarme did
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1936 · Caribbeanyear only

Santo Domingo becomes Ciudad Trujillo and the border becomes a project

Peasants along the frontier were given land and paperwork to make them Dominican.

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In 1936 the Dominican capital of Santo Domingo was renamed Ciudad Trujillo after Rafael Trujillo, who had taken power in 1930 and would hold it until 1961. Trujillo and his supporters used the word dominicanizacion for their effort to mark the line between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, meaning to make a black Haiti and a white Dominican Republic visibly distinct. Along the frontier itself this took a practical form. His government granted peasants large tracts of land to farm and charged them with administrative duties on behalf of the state, in order to fix their loyalty and their Dominican identity in a region where daily life ran on community relationships and crossed the border constantly. The same programme had a second instrument called blanqueamiento, whitening, pursued by encouraging European immigration during the Second World War. In October 1937 Trujillo ordered the killing of dark skinned people living in the border zone, and estimates of the dead reach thirty thousand.

Rafael Trujillo Santo DomingoDominican RepublicHaitian border
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