Thoby picks Carnival day and tells the papers who really rules

The women's demonstration was set for 1 March 1930, which was also Carnival day in Port au Prince. High Commissioner John Russell told Régina Carrié Thoby the choice was unwise. She answered that a day of protest and a day of Carnival did not cancel each other out, and that with effort and will both could be held. Russell then said the date was fixed by the government and that he could do nothing about it. Thoby gave the exchange to the newspapers, including the reply she had kept to herself, which she reported making with some irony: say the word government and everyone accepts it immediately. Russell was the government. By printing his evasion she made the occupation's chain of command look ridiculous in every literate household in the capital. Le Nouvelliste drew the conclusion in bold type. Haitians had stayed away from Carnival entirely, ten thousand women and girls had marched instead, and no better evidence of a united country could be handed to the Forbes Commission.

Adolf Hitler had helped found the National Socialist party by 1920 and led it by 1921. It grew slowly through the decade, claiming over a hundred thousand members and 810,000 votes in the Reichstag elections of 1928. Then came the world economic crisis. German unemployment climbed to three million during 1930 and Nazi party membership doubled. At the polls in September 1930 the Nazi vote leapt to 6.4 million and Hitler commanded the second largest party in the Reichstag with 107 seats. The Weimar Republic had carried the defeat of 1918 and the terms of Versailles from its birth, had watched France occupy the Ruhr in 1923 after a reparations default, and had survived the hyperinflation that followed. It did not survive the depression. The economic collapse that put millions of Americans out of work put Hitler within reach of the German state.

Herskovits found a Dahomean who made charms for a living and who came back to him repeatedly through 1931 with new ones. For each he explained how it had been made, what had gone into it and why, the taboos attached to it, who could use it, under what conditions and to what end. Charms meant to harm were included alongside charms meant to protect. The collection reached just under forty gbo with the details recorded for every one. A gbo could be worn at the waist, neck, wrist or ankle, kept inside a house, set at the edge of a field, buried in ground a man owned, worked into cuts in his skin, or swallowed. Once a specialist had sold a client the method, the right to make that charm belonged to the buyer as much as to the seller. A Dahomean proverb says the charm holds nothing for long, while the powers of the Vodu are eternal.

The Service Technique de l'Agriculture et de l'Enseignement Professionnel was organised in April 1923 and became the most far reaching American programme in Haiti. Its declared functions were agricultural training, research, farm schools, advice to adult farmers, animal clinics, field experiments and vocational instruction. Russell's larger aim was to raise from the peasantry a class of Black smallholders with schooling, capital and access to markets. The record is real. Experimental stations, a cattle breeding station at Hinche, the agricultural school at Damien that one historian called a miniature Tuskegee, demonstration farms, Plantation Dauphin at Fort Liberte with the largest sisal acreage in the world, tobacco brought back as a money crop, national soil surveys, and veterinary clinics that treated more than a hundred thousand animals. The hostility it drew ran far beyond agronomy. Since 1804 the oligarchy's position had rested on the peasantry having no schooling, no capital and no market. A programme that undid any one of those undid the oligarchy, and its members understood this faster than the Americans did.