A 1963 law puts Haitian history and African origins into the schools
September 1963 · month known · Haitian
The 1900sAnba Chèf1 source
September 1963 · Haitianmonth known
A 1963 law puts Haitian history and African origins into the schools
The preamble told teachers that national pride and African descent were the object.
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In September 1963 a law required Haitian schools to teach more national history and more about the ethnic origins of the population, and its preamble stated that the aim was national pride and recognition of the African heritage of the country. Duvalier had come out of the ethnological movement of the 1930s, which argued that the Haitian elite had spent a century teaching its children to think of themselves as French speaking heirs of Europe while the majority spoke Creole and served African spirits. The complaint was accurate. The use made of it was a separate matter. By September 1963 the government had expelled most of the foreign clergy who ran the schools, closed the last independent newspaper and was three months from dissolving the unions, so the year African descent entered the curriculum was the year the state took a monopoly on what could be said about it. A real correction was delivered by an apparatus with which no argument was possible.
A printing plant outside Leopoldville turns out half a million items
UNESCO, UNICEF and the Congo operation built it at Limite and Haitians ran it.
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UNESCO, the United Nations Children's Fund and the civilian branch of the Congo operation set up a Centre de Production at Limite, about fifteen miles outside Leopoldville, the city now called Kinshasa. It was a printing plant. In its first two years it turned out over half a million educational and instructional items for a country whose school system had lost the Belgians who ran it. Roger Ade, a Haitian, supervised the plant and worked directly with the Congolese trainees learning the machines, and was photographed there in October 1963. Raoul Peck, whose father Hebert went to the Congo with the first Haitian contingent, has described the ordinary conditions of that work. For a whole year his father had no car, lived on the outskirts rather than in the good part of town, and rode the crowded local buses to work every morning with everyone else. Maurice Dartigue was meanwhile demanding equal rank and equal pay for Haitian teachers from United Nations headquarters.
Roger AdeRaoul PeckHebert PeckMaurice DartigueLimiteLeopoldvilleCongo
Mau Mau is beaten in the field and wins the argument in London
Britain jailed Kenyatta and filled detention camps, then began doubting the settlers were worth keeping.
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In West Africa constitutional change had been shifting power toward African representatives. In Kenya the British treated white settlers as the territory's future and designed multiracial councils that guaranteed those settlers a majority. Rural violence began in the late 1940s and by the early 1950s included the killing of prosperous Kikuyu as well as white farmers. The fighters were mostly Kikuyu, with Embu and Meru among them, bound to each other by oaths, drawn from squatters pushed off land and from the urban poor, and operating in the forests and hills of southern-central Kenya. In 1952 Britain declared a state of emergency, arrested the leadership of the Kenya African Union including Jomo Kenyatta, and brought in the army. Villages were targeted and indiscriminate sweeps put thousands of Kikuyu into detention camps. The brutality drove more young men into the forest, while Kikuyu loyalists were armed as a home guard. The revolt was suppressed by 1956 and never built a base beyond the Kikuyu, and the world read it through British reporting as tribal savagery. By the middle of the decade officials were questioning whether the settlers belonged at the centre of Kenyan politics.
Two futures were offered to the Caribbean and both failed
Lloyd Best called the first an illusion and the second a nightmare.
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The Trinidadian economist Lloyd Best, who lived from 1934 to 2007, opened one of his central essays by taking stock. Since 1962, he wrote, the region had been shown two pictures of its future, and neither had survived contact with the world. One turned out to be an illusion. The other became a nightmare. Those who put forward the first told the islands to make what they ate. The essay is titled on independence and responsibility, with self knowledge treated as an imperative rather than a luxury. The date is chosen deliberately: 1962 is the year Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago became independent states and the year the West Indies Federation collapsed. Best is describing the position of a Caribbean intellectual who has to work out what to do when both available scripts for the future have already been tried and have already failed. Haiti had been in that position since 1804.
Lloyd BestThe CaribbeanTrinidad
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