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Two hundred thousand tourists and a resort behind broken glass

1973 to 1974 · span · Haitian

The 1900sAnba Chèf1 source
1973 to 1974 · Haitianspan

Two hundred thousand tourists and a resort behind broken glass

Habitation Leclerc charged a Haitian year's income for one night and stood inside one of the worst slums.

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Two hundred thousand tourists came through the Port-au-Prince airport in 1973, and jumbo jets arrived from Europe. Early in 1974 Habitation Leclerc opened, colonial ruins rebuilt as a hotel with villas and private pools, promoted on the claim that the land had belonged to Napoleon's sister Pauline, who is not recorded as having travelled further south than Dondon. George Hamilton and Barbara Walters came. Nicole Duvalier said Haiti finally had something no other country had. The site had been well outside the city in the eighteenth century and was now surrounded by one of its worst slums, so guests reached it by battered taxi over broken roads and entered through high walls set with glass shards. A night cost a hundred and fifty dollars, roughly what the average Haitian earned in a year. A visitor returning after ten years found the telephones working, the airport calm, and people willing to say things they would once have kept from a priest.

Jean-Claude DuvalierNicole DuvalierAlbert MangonesAubelin Jolicoeur Port-au-PrinceHabitation LeclercDondon
Where this comes from Heinl, R. D., & Heinl, N. G. (2005). Written in blood: The story of the Haitian people. University Press of America.HT-WIB-000635HT-WIB-000636

A code like HT-WIB-000044 is a bates number. It marks one page of our stamped scan of the book, so the same page can be found again by anyone working from the same copy. Open one to see every entry drawn from that page.

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Meanwhile, and next door

the early 1980s · Diasporadecade

Haitian detainees in America win a status called Entrant

Camps in the desert, hearings without lawyers and jailed children produced a temporary reprieve.

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Haitians who reached the United States by boat at the end of the 1970s were held in detention camps, some of them in the deserts of the Southwest. They were given hearings and deportation orders without access to lawyers. Children were imprisoned. Detainees reported being fed food laced with drugs that caused men to develop breasts. Most of those affected had no permanent resident status and little protection, and they held public demonstrations and pickets anyway. The protests worked far enough that Haitian refugees were granted a temporary category called Entrant, and for a period the imprisonment and the deportations stopped. Through the 1980s the community organisations that had run those pickets began working with American legal groups such as the Center for Constitutional Rights, and busloads of Haitians travelled to Washington to demonstrate in support of cases being argued in court. That combination of street mobilisation and litigation became the standing method of Haitian politics in the United States.

Center for Constitutional RightsHaitian refugees United StatesWashington
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May 1974 · Caribbeanmonth known

Haiti applies to CARICOM and gets a special relationship instead

Duvalier's commerce minister lobbied four capitals; the Secretariat balked for its own reasons.

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Haiti lodged its first membership application three years after Jean-Claude Duvalier took over, and twelve months after the regional body itself came into being. Duvalier officials led by Serge Fourcand, minister of commerce and industry, campaigned in Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados and Guyana, arguing that Haiti stood at the threshold of CARICOM. Eric Williams in Trinidad saw promise in bringing Haiti closer to the English-speaking Caribbean, and the strongest support came from P. J. Patterson in Jamaica. The Secretariat nonetheless declined membership and agreed only to a special relationship. Smith's finding is that the dictatorship was not what restrained CARICOM. Heads of state avoided statements about the Haitian government even as the regional press highlighted Duvalier's abuses. The obstacle was anxiety about the strain that widening membership would put on an institution still establishing its own legitimacy. Where this account departs from the standard one: Smith rejects the assumption that CARICOM held Haiti at arm's length in 1974 because of the Duvalier dictatorship, arguing the restraint was institutional caution about enlargement.

Eric WilliamsJean-Claude DuvalierP. J. PattersonSerge Fourcand GuyanaHaitiJamaicaTrinidad and Tobago
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1960s to 1970s · Africanspan

Angola's war of independence becomes four countries' proxy fight

Portugal fought the rising, then Moscow, Washington and Pretoria each picked a movement.

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Portugal answered the rising in Angola with force and held on longer than any other European power in Africa. The war that followed drew in everybody. The Marxist MPLA was supplied by the Soviet Union. UNITA was armed by South Africa, which wanted a movement it could live beside. The FNLA was funded by the United States once Washington decided that paying a rival guerrilla army worked better than paying Lisbon. When the Portuguese left, the country went directly into civil war, and by early 1976 the MPLA held the capital while UNITA still held the southeast. The three movements were more than foreign clients. Each drew on a different population, the MPLA on the Mbundu, UNITA on the Ovimbundu, the FNLA on the north, so the Cold War money ran along divisions that already existed and deepened them. Mozambique went the same way, where South Africa paid RENAMO to fight the government that had won the independence war.

MPLAUNITAFNLARENAMOSoviet UnionUnited StatesSouth AfricaPortugal AngolaMozambiqueLisbon
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