Jean-Claude Duvalier leaves on an American aircraft

Jean-Claude Duvalier left Haiti before dawn on 7 February 1986 aboard a United States Air Force transport that carried him to France. He had been president since 1971 and his father since 1957, so the family had held the country for twenty nine years. The end took about four months. Gonaives had risen in November after soldiers shot schoolchildren, the demonstrations spread to the provincial towns, the schools emptied, the church had turned, and the business class that had done well out of the regime asked for a change. The Americans, who had underwritten the arrangement for a generation, organised the exit. The army command that had been preparing for it took power the same morning as a governing council under Henri Namphy. Crowds pulled down statues and broke into Fort Dimanche. What did not leave with Duvalier was the machinery: the militia, the officers, the men who had run the prisons, most of whom stayed in Haiti and were still there when the next government fell.

Haiti's 1987 constitution recognises freedom of religion, and Fleurant reads it as recognising Vodou as the national religion of the Haitian people. The status remains ambivalent all the same, because many attempts have been made to uproot the practice, and although the purges have generally failed they leave doubt hanging over its worth. The school system, which favours a cosmopolitan approach, has still not put the mythology on any syllabus. For the last thirty years, he writes, people have practised openly. The expatriate community, called the Tenth Department because the national territory is divided into nine, numbers over a million Haitians and includes many advocates of the religion, among them the writer Franketienne and the musicians of Boukman Eksperyans, Boukan Ginen, RAM and the Fugees. A religion with no centre, no dogma and no head office turns out to travel well.

Rulers of the new African states held power the way a man holds a rope in a current, tightly and for his own. Office went to relatives, to men from the home province, to allies who spoke the same language, and any opposition was treated as a conspiracy. Between the 1960s and the 1980s Mobutu held Zaire, Idi Amin held Uganda, Bokassa crowned himself emperor in the Central African Republic, Kenya passed from Kenyatta to Moi, Rawlings took Ghana and Banda had himself made president for life in Malawi. Several of them had sponsors. Britain regarded Amin as preferable to the left leaning Obote. France favoured Bokassa at the start. In Ethiopia the removal of Haile Selassie in 1974 produced Mengistu and the Dergue, which ran a political terror, moved whole populations by force, deepened the war in Eritrea and presided over the worst drought in a century. From the 1980s populations pushed back, and states broken by debt had less capacity to hold them down. The foreign sponsors mostly stayed where they were.

Light assembly manufacturing grew fast in Haiti from the middle of the 1960s to the beginning of the 1990s and was for that whole stretch the one part of the economy that worked. In 1990 it employed 46,000 people spread across some 250 firms. The workforce was mainly women, and each employee supported about three or four other people, mostly in the capital. The industry ran on imported raw materials, sold into the American market, and made toys, electronics and textiles on the strength of Haiti's one comparative advantage, low wages. Its share of total export value rose from under five percent in the mid 1960s to over two thirds by the mid 1980s. After the military coup against Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1991, international sanctions sent energy costs up, removed spare parts and inputs from the market, and took the customers away. By the beginning of 1995 no more than 5000 workers were left in the sector.