The assembly sector loses fifty thousand jobs after the coup

Assembly manufacturing was the fastest growing part of the Haitian economy in the 1980s. It expanded almost tenfold between 1971 and 1985 and employed somewhere between sixty thousand and a hundred thousand people, depending on who was counting. On 30 September 1991 the army removed Jean-Bertrand Aristide seven months after his inauguration, and the sector went down with him. Value added in Haitian assembly fell from four million dollars in September 1991 to sixty thousand dollars by January 1992. The workforce dropped from its peak of about sixty thousand to fewer than ten thousand. Gross domestic product shrank by an average of ten per cent a year from 1991 to 1994. The capital did not come back when the president did. No private investment of any size entered Haiti until 2008, seventeen years after the coup, when the mobile telephone company Digicel opened with a hundred and forty million dollars.

Joseph is careful about priority in the debate that now dominates Haitian revolutionary studies. In a Sorbonne dissertation of 1989 titled Hegel, critique de l'Afrique, Pierre-Franklin Tavares argued that the revolution in Saint-Domingue and the birth of Haiti, taken as a double event, were the principal historical source, though not the only one, of the famous figure of consciousness entitled domination and bondage in the Phenomenology of Spirit, a figure Tavares follows Kojeve in saying is improperly called the dialectic of master and slave. Joseph presents Susan Buck-Morss's later work as building on this thesis, and notes that Tavares extended his argument in further studies on Hegel and the Abbe Gregoire and on Hegel as an anti-slavery philosopher, including a lecture at the College de France in January 1996. The point restores a francophone genealogy to an argument usually credited to an American book. Where this account departs from the standard one: Assigns the Hegel and Haiti thesis first to Tavares in 1989, ahead of the Buck-Morss article of 2000 with which it is usually identified.

Alerte Belance sold in a Port au Prince market and had organised her neighbourhood for Jean-Bertrand Aristide's presidential campaign. After the coup of September 1991 the paramilitaries of the group known as FRAPH taunted her as the godmother of the militants, and she spent two years moving between hiding places. The Governors Island accord signed in New York promised that the president would come back on 30 October 1993, so she came out. Men seized her on 15 October and took her to Titanyen, the killing ground north of the capital, where they cut her apart with machetes. They cut out part of her tongue, took the gums, teeth and jaw on her right side, opened her face, her eye and her ear, severed her right arm and cut the fingertips from her left hand. She woke in the brush the next morning, dragged herself to the roadside and raised the stump of her arm so a passing driver would see she was alive. She was thirty two and had three children.

On 16 December 1990 Haitians went to the polls in an election that international observers judged clean. It was the first time in the country's history that the outcome was genuinely open and the count genuinely honest. Since independence in 1804 Haiti had held rigged plebiscites and army managed successions, and the presidency had passed by coup far more often than by ballot. The winner was Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a parish priest from the slums of Port-au-Prince who had entered the race two months earlier. He took roughly two thirds of the votes cast, about three times the share of his nearest rival, the World Bank economist Marc Bazin. The margin mattered as much as the result. A president chosen by that many poor voters carried a mandate for land reform, higher wages and the prosecution of the old regime's killers, and everyone who stood to lose by those things understood it the same day. Aristide would hold the office for seven months.