The first Antiguans lived on a bad coast to be near good flint

The early Archaic age sites on Antigua cluster along the northeast shore and at Flinty Bay, beside quarries of high-quality flint. That coast is a poor place to farm. Trade winds blow across it steadily and carry salt inland, which suppresses plant growth, so the choice of location was about the stone under the ground rather than the soil on top of it. Flint from these quarries has been identified at every other early Archaic site found in the northern Lesser Antilles. The knapping done at the sites themselves is described as expedient, meaning flakes struck off as required rather than the deliberate blade production practised in the Greater Antilles. Two facts sit together here. People were making rough tools on the spot and simultaneously supplying a raw material that travelled across a whole island group. Antiguan flint between roughly 3000 and 2000 BCE is one of the clearest measures of how far these communities moved by sea.

Across West Africa, in patrilineal and matrilineal societies alike, women have long acted as independent economic and social agents, and the reason is structural. Marriage there did not make a woman a dependent of her husband. In the trades and occupations women carried on, they owned what their labour produced. The largest commercial operators in recent Nigerian history have frequently been women, and the record shows women as major traders in that region in earlier centuries too, Muslim women among them as well as followers of the older Niger-Congo religion. In the territories absorbed in the fourteenth century CE into the kingdom of Benin, the weavers of cotton and raffia cloth were women. That cloth was the main export of the state, through the slave trade era included, and the women who made it controlled access to it and took the profit from it. The wealth of a West African kingdom rested on the enterprise of women, over a wide area and many centuries.

Sites in Haiti have produced lithic workshops given over to making large flaked-stone blades, with concentrations in the Casimira and Las Alejandrinas areas. The output is specialised. These are a standard product turned out in numbers at a place chosen for its stone, rather than general-purpose flakes struck as the need arose. Marcio Veloz Maggiolo and Jose Cruxent were among the first to document the complexes, and the size and frequency of the blades became the main indicator archaeologists use when dating preceramic sites in the region. Making blades in bulk at a quarry implies mobility, since the people using them lived elsewhere and moved between the source and the coast. It also puts Haiti near the centre of the question of how human beings first spread into the Greater Antilles, because these workshops are among the best evidence for how that expansion was supplied. Around 3000 BCE this island was producing tools for a wider region.

Jolly Beach sits on the west coast of Antigua, looking out over reefs and a productive stretch of shallow sea. Around 2000 BCE the people there were making sophisticated flint blades, which sets the site apart from the general run of early stone working in the islands. Their diet was wide. They took eight major species of mollusc, fish from shallow water, sea turtles and manatees. They also took far more land animals than the other coastal sites on Antigua from the same period, and that is the second thing marking Jolly Beach out. Better stone technology and a broader food base together suggest a place people used for longer stretches, or for more purposes, than the camps around it. Two settlements on one small island, a short walk apart, could run on different economies. Archaic populations in the Caribbean read the ground in front of them and adapted site by site.