Kush is filed as a backward imitator of the Egypt it ruled

The empire ruled from Napata and later from Meroe had its heartland in the middle Nile, and the people there belonged to the Nilo-Saharan cultural world, whose religion recognised a single Divinity. Older European scholarship began somewhere else. It treated the Napatan and Meroitic kings as culturally backward peoples copying Egypt, so any practice the two shared was counted as a Kushite borrowing and never as an Egyptian one. The reasoning runs in a circle. Influence was assumed to travel from civilised to backward, and the assumption then supplied the evidence. Set it aside and the record looks different. This was a state larger in territory than Egypt, governing more people, still standing nine hundred years after it lost its Egyptian provinces, and strong enough to fight Rome to a treaty. Ehret argues that the ideas involved, the one Divinity and the sacral kingship, have roots in Nilo-Saharan communities thousands of years older than the Egyptian cults they were said to imitate.

By about 250 BCE, on the radiocarbon evidence Rouse reviews, the Cedrosan Saladoid migration had reached the northern West Indies. The colonists were selective about where they stopped. They favoured high, mountainous islands, which hold rain, carry rivers and support the luxuriant forest their farming needed. Flat, dry islands were passed over. That preference explains a good deal of later Caribbean settlement, including on Hispaniola, whose mountains and well watered valleys made it one of the most heavily populated islands in the region by 1492. This is farming logic applied to an archipelago by people who had crossed open water to reach it. They knew which land would grow their crops and they chose accordingly, across a chain more than a thousand kilometres long. The indigenous history of Haiti begins with decisions of this kind, taken two thousand years before the Spanish arrived and recorded now in charcoal, potsherds and dates.

A Greek commercial handbook of about 340 BC, later wrongly credited to Skylax, placed the island of Cerne twelve days' sail from the Straits of Gibraltar and said no ship could get past it for shallows, mud and weed. Phoenician merchants moored there, pitched tents on the island and ferried goods to the mainland in small boats. They took away hides of deer, lion, leopard and cattle, and the hides and tusks of elephants. The people they dealt with used ivory ornaments and cups, put ivory anklets on their women and ivory decoration on their horses, drove chariots, and made a great deal of wine from vines, which the merchants also carried off. In return came perfume, Egyptian stone, Attic pottery and jars. The tents suggest that the permanent colony Hanno had planted on Cerne was already abandoned. Cerne has never been located.

Herodotus wrote down what Carthaginians told Greek listeners about a coast beyond the Straits of Gibraltar. The ships would land, the crews would set their wares out in a row along the shore and raise smoke. People living there came down when they saw it, left gold beside the goods and withdrew. The Carthaginians came ashore and looked. If the gold matched the value they took it and sailed; if it did not they went back aboard and waited while more was added. Neither side touched what the other had put down until the exchange was settled. The same silent barter appears in much later accounts of the gold trade in the West African interior. The metal most likely came from the alluvial fields of Galam and Bambuk on the upper Niger and Senegal. This is among the earliest written notices of West African gold reaching the outside world.