The first great Nilo-Saharan expansion ran on fish

Farmers displacing foragers is only part of the story of early Holocene population movement. The climate shifts that opened the epoch also opened new ways of taking wild food, in greater quantity and greater variety than before. The first wide distribution of Nilo-Saharan speakers is the clearest African case, and it ran on an elaborated aquatic foraging economy: fishing and hippopotamus hunting along the waterways of the green Sahara, west from the Nile to Lake Mega-Chad and beyond. Nobody involved was sowing anything. The usual account of the Neolithic treats the change from foraging to farming as a clean break, with foraging on the primitive side of the line and farming on the civilised side. The record does not sort that neatly. Some of the largest demographic transformations of the period were powered by people who simply got much better at harvesting what was already there. Human ingenuity under environmental pressure takes more than one form.

The third independent invention of ceramics in the world belongs to Africa. By eleven and a half thousand years ago, around 9500 BCE, people in what is now Mali were making pots. The country in question lies south of the great bend of the Niger, and it falls inside the region where the ancestral form of Niger-Congo would have been spoken, the homeland of the largest language family on the continent today. Twelve thousand kilometres separate it from the Yangtze, which rules out anyone carrying the idea across. This is a dated, located archaeological finding and it has been available for years. Potters in western Africa were firing clay thousands of years before anyone in the Near East or in Europe did. The interesting question is no longer whether it happened. It is why a world history syllabus that has had this information for a generation still opens the story of ceramics in Mesopotamia and never gets to Mali at all.

West Africa produced its own inherited office, the kumo, which linguists trace back to proto-South Volta-Congo around the start of the sixth millennium BCE. Comparative ethnography across a wide band of the continent indicates the holder began as a clan ritual chief in clans that reckoned descent through the mother. His work was spiritual mediation: keeping the community on proper terms with the ancestors. Early on the office picked up civic duties too. The kumo moderated communal meetings, oversaw deliberation about law and custom, and spoke for his people in dealings with other communities. In later centuries the position gained real powers in a number of regions and turned into chiefship or kingship. Set against Nilo-Saharan sacral kingship, this is a different route to authority. One concentrates the spiritual and the temporal in a single divine figure. The other spreads authority across a network of ritual specialists whose standing rests on what they do. Africa was running both experiments at once.

In northeastern Africa, among peoples speaking Cushitic languages, a third kind of clan religious figure goes back at least to the sixth millennium BCE. In some Soomaali-speaking parts of the Horn the waab or waaber is also called rooble, possessor of rain, which indicates plainly what people believed he could do. Holders of the office never became political rulers. They commanded reverence, and their views carried great weight whenever a community had a decision to make. That makes three inherited traditions of authority, all traceable to the sixth millennium BCE or earlier, in three different language families. The Nilo-Saharan sacral king fused spiritual and temporal power. The Niger-Congo kumo mediated between the living and the ancestors inside a matrilineal clan. The Cushitic rain possessor held religious standing that gave his voice weight without ever hardening into rule. Political authority has more than one origin story, and Africa preserves at least three of them.