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Moreau de Saint-Mery describes a ceremony and calls it a bacchanal

1797 · year only · Pre-Revolutionary

The 1700sThe Great Reclamation1 source
1797 · Pre-Revolutionaryyear only

Moreau de Saint-Mery describes a ceremony and calls it a bacchanal

The first account of Vodou to come close to the thing itself, written by a man who despised it.

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The French traveller Moreau de Saint-Mery published the first volume of his description of the French part of Hispaniola in 1797. He had presided over the electors of Paris in July 1789. His account of the rites and beliefs of enslaved people is the earliest to come near what was actually happening, and he still condemned what he had watched as a kind of bacchanal that ended in disgusting prostitution. He noted that the participants were Arada people, from the town of Allada in Dahomey, and that they lived by the rules of their religion. Worship centred on dances around a snake kept in a wired box on an altar, from which the faithful were said to gain knowledge of past and future. A goat was killed and its blood poured over those present, who swore to stay faithful. He described the trance that followed without a word for what it was.

Moreau de Saint-Mery Saint-DomingueAllada
Where this comes from Hurbon, L. (1995). Voodoo: Truth and fantasy. Thames & Hudson. p. 29.
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Meanwhile, and next door

1796 · Caribbeanyear only

Curaçao runs through three governors in a single year

The Batavian revolution in Europe reshuffled the island's white elite faster than it changed anything else.

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News of the French takeover of the Dutch Republic and the creation of the Batavian Republic had already been part of Tula's argument the previous year. In 1796 it worked its way through the colonial administration. The ancien régime governor Johannes de Veer withdrew and was replaced by a politically colourless local bureaucrat, Jan Jacob Beaujon, who was in turn replaced by an apparently more outspoken pro-French Patriot, Johann Rudolf Lauffer, all within the same year. Oostindie stresses that this reshuffle reflected dynamics inside the white elite, between Orangists and Patriots but also within Patriot circles, over questions that came down to trade and economic interest. Sections of the free coloured population had their own stake in the 1796 power games, mainly better representation in local politics, and there is evidence of open and sometimes violent free coloured protest, but no sign of organised cross-colour action aiming at radical change.

Jan Jacob BeaujonJohann Rudolf LaufferJohannes de Veer Curaçao
Where this comes from Source not recorded for this entry.
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c. 1797 · Haitianapproximate

A German print dresses the planters of Saint-Domingue as Germans

To make viewers identify with the colonists, printmakers gave them local clothes and local rooms.

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An anonymous German engraving of about 1797 shows the rising of 1791 on the northern plain with palm trees and conical roofed houses for tropical atmosphere, while the white figures look lifted from a north European genre painting, the women in familiar headgear and the men in tight suits. An image of the cruelty of the blacks in a Swiss almanac of 1803 does the same work through architecture, staging a murder in a room with a tiled floor, an arched doorway and portraits and a map on the walls. White argues that these choices are deliberate rather than ignorant, since the makers invented fanciful costume for the enslaved and could have used French styles for the colonists. Dressing the victims as locals delivered an anti revolutionary message to German and Swiss viewers, and shows that printmakers could not count on shared skin colour alone to produce sympathy across old European rivalries.

Ashli White GermanyNorthern PlainSwitzerland
Where this comes from Source not recorded for this entry.
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June 1798 · Diasporamonth known

A governor bars black refugees from landing in Pennsylvania

Four ships arrived and the state treated the passengers as a contagion.

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In the middle of June 1798 four vessels from Saint Domingue reached Philadelphia. Governor Thomas Mifflin forbade the landing of any of the black passengers aboard them and asked President John Adams for authority to stop such landings in neighbouring states and to keep their owners out of Pennsylvania altogether. The fear behind the order had been building for years. Enslaved people had set a series of fires in Albany in November 1793, the practice was said to have spread, night patrols in Philadelphia were increased, and a fire broke out in the city on 4 January 1797. White Philadelphians had come to speak of black insurrection as an infection that ships could carry. The standoff ended when letters from the white colonists on board assured the city that only fifty five enslaved people were with them and that none had ever carried arms.

Thomas MifflinJohn Adams PhiladelphiaPennsylvania
Where this comes from Source not recorded for this entry.
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