Bonaparte writes warmly to a man who has already disobeyed him

Bonaparte drafted a personal letter to Louverture on the assumption that his earlier orders not to take over Santo Domingo had been obeyed, when Louverture had already invaded. Girard uses the mismatch to make a structural point about how the war began. Sailings had become rare since the outbreak of war with England, and dispatches were routinely intercepted, so both men designed intricate policies on information that was badly out of date. Louverture had seized the Spanish half because contacts in France warned him in 1800 that an expedition was about to sail there and attack him from the east. That alleged invasion was a decoy meant to disguise reinforcements bound for Egypt. While Bonaparte was writing in a favourable mood, Louverture was summoning the assembly whose constitution would enrage him when he learned of it in October.

Sanite Belair, a young free woman from Verrettes, married Charles Belair in 1796 or 1797. He was Toussaint Louverture's nephew and aide de camp. In 1802 he took up arms against the Leclerc expedition from the heights of the Matheux, and held out there for more than two months. Sanite worked at pulling the scattered insurgent forces together and was said by some to be the soul of the conspiracy. Captured in a surprise attack at Corail Mirrault while her husband was away looking for ammunition, she was taken prisoner, and he surrendered rather than leave her. Dessalines, then serving the French, sent the pair to Leclerc with a letter accusing them. The court sentenced Charles to be shot and Sanite, on account of her sex, to be beheaded. On 5 October 1802 she demanded and was granted a soldier's death by firing squad, refused the blindfold, and could not be forced to the block.

Curaçao was visited and then partly occupied by predominantly black troops from revolutionary France's colony of Guadeloupe. Oostindie reports widespread support among the enslaved but not among free blacks and people of colour, and documents the participation of French, Haitian and Guadeloupean commanders including Bresseau and the future Haitian president Alexandre Pétion, alongside members of the local criollo elite such as Luis Brión, later admiral under Bolívar. At the height of the affair in early September about twelve hundred French Caribbean troops were besieging Willemstad, many rural slaves had joined on a promise of liberty and equality, and slaves in the town refused to work. Governor Lauffer, unable to defeat them and unwilling to admit black troops, requested British help from the frigate Nereide; two North American frigates joined within days. On 23 September the French colonial troops evacuated hastily, abandoning prisoners. Where this account departs from the standard one: Oostindie and Han Jordaan reject the heroic reading advanced by Roberto Palacios, in which Jean Baptiste Tierce Cadet led a genuine Jacobin revolution for racial equality and abolition on Curaçao, and argue instead that the idea of a region-wide conspiracy starting on the island was most likely fabricated by Governor Lauffer for personal and political reasons.

The proclamation appeared first in Poulson's Daily Advertiser and in the Aurora General Advertiser, then in the Philadelphia Gazette the following evening. The article reconstructs the diffusion from digitised newspaper archives and prints the chain: New York and Philadelphia on 6 and 7 January, Trenton and Newark on the ninth, Washington on the twelfth, then Newburyport, Wilmington, Providence, Richmond, Salem, Boston, Charleston, Portland, Hudson, Northampton, Sparta in Georgia, Peacham in Vermont and Nashville by 22 February. Editors read it as a declaration of independence and said so. The mechanism this exposes is a deliberate media strategy rather than passive circulation, since Dessalines's government repeatedly asked American editors to print its texts and once instructed that a decree be printed, posted and forwarded directly to the Congress of the United States.