The Haitian flag read as an object of Vodou

Desir describes the flag of the independent state as a dwapo, a flag dedicated to the spirits, and reads its parts accordingly. Black is the colour of the people of Africa and red belongs to Ogou, the warrior lwa of justice. Blue and red together are the colours of Ezili Danto, warrior queen mother and Black Madonna, who became the emblem of the rising of 1791 and of the ceremony at Bois Caiman. The white field is associated with Danballah Wedo and Ayida, the great pythons of Ouidah in Dahomey, who hold the universe together. The royal palm carries the meaning of Ayizan Velekete, lwa of healing and of liberty, and the cap resting on its trunk is at once the French cap of the revolution and the Yoruba hat that recalls Elegba, keeper of the gate. The twenty one cannonballs belong to Ogou and answer to the twenty one nations of the lwa and the orisa.

De Young singles out a letter from Dessalines to Leclerc held in the Rochambeau collection at the University of Florida. In it Dessalines specifies aggressive military actions taken in his department by himself and his lieutenants and mentions a supporting action by one of his officers, Commandant Gabart, assisting Commandant Petion on his own orders. The letter matters because of what surrounds it. Three days later Leclerc ordered the arrest of Dessalines and wrote to the first consul that Maurepas and Dessalines were deeply involved in the disasters overtaking the French forces. De Young's reading is that French intelligence had begun to see the general not as an officer executing the most hateful commands of his commander but as a patriot building the military basis of the coming war of independence while appearing to serve.

Lartigue accused Dessalines of sending emissaries to St Thomas to raise the Danish islands, and later described a plan to descend on Martinique and Guadeloupe, kill the inhabitants, burn the towns, raise the enslaved and free people of colour and form fourteen regiments. Gaffield traces the chain. An Englishman named Yong told him that at Jacmel General Moreau had said Haiti expected news at any moment that the enslaved of the French islands had risen. From that Lartigue concluded Dessalines was organising the risings, and he began describing passing travellers of colour as emissaries and their meeting place as a Haitian club. Gaffield notes the motive: on 25 September Lartigue had written acknowledging Ferrand's complaint that he had so far been of no use. Geggus treats the expedition as a rumour spread by a colonist; Jenson thinks there is too much smoke for no fire. Where this account departs from the standard one: Gaffield argues the conspiracy theory that Dessalines was exporting revolution originated in one agent's need to prove his own usefulness, and she sets Geggus's dismissal against Jenson's partial defence of it.

From this year ministers in Philadelphia began preaching sermons on the first of January, a date that marked both the abolition of the American slave trade and the declaration of Haitian independence four years earlier. Jackson sets the practice against the mass arrival of refugees from Saint-Domingue in American ports through the seventeen nineties, which brought firsthand accounts of the rebel victory at Cap-Francais into black communities, and against Gary Nash's finding that American born black Philadelphians came to think of themselves differently because of the revolution, as part of an Atlantic African people contesting white supremacy. He notes the contrast in the same city, where white Philadelphians had gathered near Independence Hall on 4 July 1804 to celebrate a very different anniversary, and where the conservative reading of Haiti also had its adherents.