Geffrard is born weeks after the father he never met dies

Baur opens the life at L'Anse-a-Veau in the south. The child was already fatherless when he arrived, since General Nicolas Geffrard had died shortly before. The father had fought against the French for independence, rose to high command, and was among those who helped write the constitution of 1806 in the weeks before his death. A colonel who had served under him adopted the boy and had him educated at Les Cayes. The son entered the army at fifteen. Baur uses the inheritance to explain the political position the man later occupied. Of mixed black and mulatto descent, he could plausibly appeal to both of the factions whose quarrel structured Haitian politics, or be rejected by both, and he concluded early that the country needed a middle class large enough to sustain it. Promotion came slowly until the fall of Boyer.

People fleeing the war in Saint-Domingue landed in the Spanish province of Santiago de Cuba and brought a crop with them. In 1800 the whole island of Cuba carried about sixty coffee plantations. In 1803 the province had eight worth listing. During 1804 alone another 54 were established, holding more than half a million plants. The district of Dos Bocas went from 73,000 plants before 1803 to 305,000 in 1804, then 362,000, 289,000 and 162,000 over the following three years. Guanian rose from 10,000 plants in 1803 to 538,000 in 1807. Before the refugees arrived the provincial harvest had never reached 8,000 arrobes. By 1805 it was 80,000, and 300,000 in the years after. Governor Kindelan reckoned the province harvested 10,000 quintals in 1807, twice that the next year, at least 30,000 by 1809, and looked for 40,000 in 1810. Land, houses and enslaved people were advertised for sale payable in coffee.

Renda records the double game in early United States policy. Washington stayed officially neutral toward Louverture's government while American merchants supplied arms that helped the revolution succeed, and Jefferson, who may have supported that trade, certainly welcomed the defeat of Bonaparte's army. Then in 1806 he approved a prohibition on trade with Haiti, driven by the threat that a thriving nation of former slaves posed to slavery in the American South and by the need to manage relations with France. Trade resumed, but formal recognition was withheld until the South seceded. She notes what the country meant on both sides of the American argument over slavery, proof to some that people of African descent could govern themselves and proof to others that they could not, which is why the same nation was both a nightmare to be quarantined and a destination for free black Americans.

In October 1802 Petion had taken up arms at Haut du Cap and Dessalines was preparing to do the same at Petite-Riviere, after a secret understanding between them. The French had already tried to arrest him at Gonaives, and he had ridden straight at the officer sent to take him and demanded where the slanders about him came from, which was enough to unsettle the men. At Petite-Riviere he pulled down a gallows the French had put up and then went to the presbytery, where the priest Videau had invited him to lunch. Chief of brigade Andrieux was at the table waiting for the moment to have him seized. A woman of colour, Madame Pageot, who worked as Videau's servant, appeared in the doorway opposite Dessalines and made him understand with a movement of her hand that he was about to be bound. He said he saw smoke on the mountain, went out, mounted, and fired the alarm cannon. Three thousand peasants came.