Refugee planters turn eastern Cuba into coffee country in seven years

People fleeing the war in Saint-Domingue landed in the Spanish province of Santiago de Cuba and brought a crop with them. In 1800 the whole island of Cuba carried about sixty coffee plantations. In 1803 the province had eight worth listing. During 1804 alone another 54 were established, holding more than half a million plants. The district of Dos Bocas went from 73,000 plants before 1803 to 305,000 in 1804, then 362,000, 289,000 and 162,000 over the following three years. Guanian rose from 10,000 plants in 1803 to 538,000 in 1807. Before the refugees arrived the provincial harvest had never reached 8,000 arrobes. By 1805 it was 80,000, and 300,000 in the years after. Governor Kindelan reckoned the province harvested 10,000 quintals in 1807, twice that the next year, at least 30,000 by 1809, and looked for 40,000 in 1810. Land, houses and enslaved people were advertised for sale payable in coffee.

Under French law a child born outside marriage could not inherit, and a parent was not free to leave property as he wished, being obliged to pass it to legitimate heirs. In the new Haitian state an enormous number of children had no standing under any such rule. On 28 May 1805 Jean-Jacques Dessalines issued a law that removed the distinction. There was to be no preference for children born in wedlock. A child's capacity to inherit turned on recognition by a parent. The measure was designed to settle inheritance disputes before they began. Its effect on marriage ran the other way from what the founders intended. A wedding in Haiti cost a civil licence, a payment to the priest and his assistants, clothes bought for the church, a feast afterwards and several days away from work. Once children could inherit without one, the expense had lost its point, and legal marriage stayed rare for the next two centuries.

On 17 May 1809, with rumours running that as many as 6,000 white refugees were about to land, mayor James Mather asked the municipal council of New Orleans for emergency measures. He proposed moving the fish market to a vacant lot so that its five storerooms could house refugee families, collecting blankets for the destitute, and appointing a welfare committee to raise money and find work. The council agreed on 24 May. By August the committee had gathered and given out 5,000 dollars and was asking for a second subscription because people were still arriving. In the financial year that began on 1 May 1809 the residents of the city paid 7,650 dollars in taxes on real estate and enslaved people, at a rate of one dollar for every thousand dollars of property. The two French language papers, the Moniteur and the Courrier, ran letters presenting the newcomers as unfortunate planters and victims of war.

De Young singles out a letter from Dessalines to Leclerc held in the Rochambeau collection at the University of Florida. In it Dessalines specifies aggressive military actions taken in his department by himself and his lieutenants and mentions a supporting action by one of his officers, Commandant Gabart, assisting Commandant Petion on his own orders. The letter matters because of what surrounds it. Three days later Leclerc ordered the arrest of Dessalines and wrote to the first consul that Maurepas and Dessalines were deeply involved in the disasters overtaking the French forces. De Young's reading is that French intelligence had begun to see the general not as an officer executing the most hateful commands of his commander but as a patriot building the military basis of the coming war of independence while appearing to serve.