Two land laws cut the colonial estates into soldiers' farms

The colony had been organised into great estates held by a narrow class of planters who worked them with large numbers of enslaved people. At independence those plantations were confiscated and became state property, with a few of the biggest going to the commanding generals. By a law of 1809 completed by another in 1814, Petion arranged the division of the large colonial properties and distributed the lots as national gifts to the junior officers and the soldiers of the Army of Independence. Bellegarde argues that attaching the citizen to the soil he worked was both a means of building national feeling and an act of social justice, and that it is the reason Haiti weathered the world depression and, in his 1953 framing, is safe from communist revolution. He pairs it with Petion's schools, the lycee at Port-au-Prince and a national boarding school for girls, and the principle of free primary education written into the constitution of 1816.

Napoleon Bonaparte had removed Ferdinand VII from the Spanish throne and put his own brother Joseph in his place. Spanish subjects in Cuba refused to accept the substitution, and their anger fell on the French planters and craftsmen who had settled among them after fleeing Saint-Domingue. On 12 March 1809 the Marques de Someruelos, captain general of Cuba, issued a proclamation ordering a vigilance committee in every town and every parish to look into the conduct and the opinions of the French living there and to expel anyone whose presence seemed dangerous. The committees worked fast. News of the expulsion orders reached Louisiana in April, probably carried on the same vessels as the first people driven out. Many of those expelled had already rebuilt their lives once after leaving Saint-Domingue, and among them they had established five hundred estates in eastern Cuba. They now lost a second set of properties and went looking for a third country.

On 7 November 1808 General Jean Louis Ferrand marched about six hundred men toward Seybo, in eastern Santo Domingo, to put down a rising led by an officer he had once trusted with the district. He believed the sight of him would restore order and that any resistance would break easily. Waiting for him were 2,100 soldiers sent from Havana and Puerto Rico. The battle was one sided. Ferrand ordered the survivors to withdraw, said aloud that he was the victim of his own overconfidence, took a cartridge from an aide before anyone could stop him, primed his pistols and killed himself. He had soldiered for twenty five years, through the American and French revolutions, and had run the last French government in Hispaniola for almost five. His second in command, General Joseph Barquier, took over a position that was already lost. Six weeks later a junta named Juan Sanchez Ramirez governor in the name of Ferdinand VII.

Writing to the minister of marine on 25 August, Leclerc reported that he had just discovered a large conspiracy aimed at raising the entire colony, placed its intended date at the end of Thermidor and explained its failure by the absence of a chief. De Young converts that to roughly the sixteenth of August. The significance for his argument is that the revolt of Belair and Larose was not a local affair but one strand of a general rising by the guerrilla commanders. Within a week of the letter the principal bands were in the field. Sans Souci took up arms at Dondon the following day, Petit Noel on the twenty ninth, and at the same moment Macaya, Mavougou and Va Malheureux moved with Lamour Derance to take possession of the central plains and the northern ranges.