The last caco leader surrenders and Michel calls it defeat

Achille Jean, the last of the caco leaders, surrendered. Michel's chronology closes with two flat sentences: the war is over, and the defeat of the Haitians is consummated. The refusal to convert the resistance into a moral victory is deliberate, since his book everywhere else insists on Peralte's greatness. The occupation itself continued until 1934, a period Michel refers to as the nineteen years of travail that began on the night the Arsenal fell. He asks that the individuals, foreign and Haitian, who inflicted cruelties on the country between 1915 and 1934 be consigned to oblivion, and that the honours awarded on 16 and 19 November 1919 to those responsible for Peralte's death be formally revoked by the Republic. He also proposes moving Peralte's remains from the crowded cemetery at the Cap into a purpose-built mausoleum, and raising a monument at Chabert to the anonymous dead of the camp.

Amir Faysal, driven out of Syria by the French in the summer of 1920, was proclaimed king of Iraq on 23 August 1921. General Gouraud had already proclaimed the state of Greater Lebanon with Beirut as its capital on 1 September 1920, and on 24 July 1922 the League of Nations Council gave its approval to the mandates covering Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine together with Transjordan. In the British sphere Egypt was the first to be granted formal independence, by a declaration of 21 February 1922 that ended the protectorate while reserving a list of British rights, and a constitution of 19 April 1923 made it a hereditary monarchy under King Fuad. Zeine treats the years from 1918 to 1920 as the decisive ones. Arab nationalism took its modern shape in them, living on resentment of Anglo French domination and on opposition to the Jewish national home in Palestine.

Between the wars a class of educated Africans in the French territories began arguing about politics in print, and the administration worried that they would find a rural following. Tiemoko Garan Kouyate, an activist and for a time a communist, wrote about the emerging African proletariat and about nationalism. He belonged to a set of men across French western and equatorial Africa who ran newspapers, built the first trade unions and corresponded with Marcus Garvey and with George Padmore, the Trinidadian who took charge of the African section of the Comintern in 1927. Plenty of African politicians in these years worked with the colonial order. Blaise Diagne, elected to the French assembly from Senegal in 1914 on rural votes, made himself an ally of France and defended its policies in public, conscription included. Andre Matswa built a society in the French Congo in the late 1920s demanding French citizenship and the rights attached to it, and by the early 1930s the administration had broken both him and it. Dockers struck at Conakry in 1919 and railwaymen in 1925 and 1938.

On 10 March 1922 the old battleship North Dakota carried General John Russell down the Gulf of La Gonave toward Port-au-Prince. He had smelled the city once before, as a midshipman in 1893, and had written in his journal that it was the filthiest place he had ever set eyes on and that he hoped never to return. He went ashore the next morning as American high commissioner, met by the magistrat communal, an honour guard of gendarmes, the palace band and a crowd well practised at cheering new rulers of Haiti. His first directive settled the shape of the next eight years. All correspondence between treaty officials and the Haitian government, Washington or each other would pass through his office, and no statement of policy, draft law or budget line could issue without his approval. The Haitian president, his ministers and the Conseil d'Etat kept the ceremony. Russell kept the valve. He compared the arrangement openly to Lord Cromer's Egypt, one foreign race governing a second in order to rule a third.