The women who paid Vincent's fare get a president who ignores them

The march did its work. Alice Garoute was in the crowd with her granddaughter Ghislaine, then twelve years old. By the time the Forbes Commission finished, an American military withdrawal was clearly coming. President Louis Borno was replaced by Eugène Roy, whose interim presidency ran six months until the legislature could vote. On 18 November 1930 it chose Sténio Vincent, a nationalist who had campaigned for years against the occupation. Ten years earlier Haitian women had walked Port au Prince collecting money to pay for Vincent's journey to the United States to plead the country's case. They expected the debt to be recognised, and a president who would treat their organising as an asset. Vincent was occupied with holding power and with suppressing any programme that threatened his own moderate one, so the support never arrived. Haitian women entered the years after the occupation without a friend in the palace, learning to move between shifting alliances and methods because nothing steadier was on offer.

The Fordney McCumber Act of 1922 had already set American import duties at prohibitive levels, and both parties promised more in 1928. Hoover wanted higher duties on farm imports and a tariff commission with power to adjust rates by half, which he thought would take the tariff out of congressional bargaining. What Congress produced was the Hawley Smoot Tariff of 1930, raising duties to the highest levels in American history. One thousand economists signed a petition asking for a veto. Thomas Lamont of J. P. Morgan said he had almost gone down on his knees to beg the president to reject it, and that the act sharpened nationalism everywhere. Hoover signed it in June 1930. Walter Lippmann wrote that the president had surrendered everything and got nothing. For countries that lived by selling coffee, sugar and other commodities into the American market, the door had just narrowed.

Dahomean society was organised into patrilineal sibs, each with a founder who was often an animal, a set of food taboos built around that founder, and a head who ruled through his access to the group's dead. Herskovits collected the names and origin stories of thirty seven of them in 1931 and thought the list incomplete. He wrote that no other part of Dahomean life met such resistance, including his questions about human sacrifice at the royal court. The information came only near the end of the stay, once his Dahomean friends had decided they could trust him, and it came at all because he could name deities his informants recognised from earlier fieldwork among the descendants of runaways in Dutch Guiana. The royal sib was called children of the panther, people of Allada, and its members were forbidden the meat of any spotted animal.

Roy cleared out the Borno administration and appointed ministers the American charge described as black Haitians with long anti-American records. The campaign ran all summer on rum, cockfights and bamboche, and hardly anyone voted, since six people in a hundred could read or speak French. Everyone stood against the occupation, so the real contest was the one running since 1804, between light-skinned Liberals and black Nationalists. The Nationalists took the chambers in a landslide on 14 October. The defeated elite, who had spent decades stirring exactly this feeling for their own purposes, were astonished, and two of them told the American legation that Haiti would collapse back into 1915 as soon as the marines sailed. On 18 November, at the fourth ballot, Sthenio Vincent beat Pradel and Jean Price-Mars, and the lightest-skinned man in the chamber thereby preserved elite control. The new legislators voted themselves a hundred dollars a month backdated a year, then declared the 1915 treaty void, which everyone ignored. Vincent called his cabinet a ministry of combat.