Suzanne Cesaire turns a German ethnologist against Europe

In April 1941 Suzanne Cesaire published a study of Frobenius in the journal Tropiques. Frobenius was a German ethnologist who had spent decades working in Africa and had argued that African societies possessed civilisations of their own, with their own coherence and their own history. Cesaire took that material and turned it against the assumption that Western civilisation stands above African cultures on some single scale. Nicholls counts the essay as a landmark. Two things about it are worth holding. It was written in the Caribbean in wartime, in a review appearing under an administration that read what was printed, so the argument had to be conducted in the vocabulary of ethnology rather than in the vocabulary of politics. And it was made by a woman, in a movement whose remembered names are almost entirely men. The argument that Africa had civilisations was being advanced from a small island by a writer who would spend the next fifty years being read as somebody's wife.

Women who quit domestic service in Haitian towns were routinely accused of theft on their way out. Guilt and innocence in these cases were seldom established either way. What the women were doing was leaving, and leaving without notice was the only shape the departure could take. Carolle Charles records the terms in which poor, working-class and peasant women described the thing they were guarding. Kom se kawo tem: my body is a piece of land. Se lajam'm: it is money. Read that literally and it rearranges the sociology. A migrant with no property who sells her labour in a town belongs, by the standard categories, to the urban proletariat. A woman who holds a plot and works it decides for herself how hard to work it and how much of the yield to keep. These women were placing themselves in the second category. The body was the holding. Walking out of the house was how she set the rate.

For Africans and people of African descent across the Americas, the Second World War started in 1935. Ethiopia was the only genuinely independent state on the continent, and Mussolini wanted it, partly to build a new Roman empire out of Eritrea and partly to avenge the Italian defeat at Adwa in 1896. Through the early 1930s he argued in Europe that Ethiopia was an anachronism, a savage and unstable place that practised slavery and deserved no recognition. Britain and France quietly agreed. Italy invaded in October 1935 claiming an Ethiopian attack near the Somali border. The technological gap that had not existed in 1896 decided everything: armoured columns, aircraft and the occasional illegal use of poison gas. Addis Ababa fell in early 1936 and Haile Selassie went into exile, telling the League of Nations that Europe would be next. The Patriots kept up a guerrilla war throughout. Ethiopia became the focus of pan-African protest and an inspiration for the Rastafarian movement. Allied troops, including West and Central African units, restored Selassie in 1941.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk died on 10 November 1938. The generation that had won the war of liberation and carried through the first reforms had by then reached the end of its creative period, working from goals set in the Young Turk era: a national Turkish state in a modern political form. Karpat's judgement is that they started with a society whose institutions were rooted in Islam, under bad conditions inside and out, and permanently undermined the belief that social arrangements, customs and authority were fixed. Ataturk is described as a soldier ruler rather than a dictator, a man who refused the title and kept insisting on national sovereignty, who ordered, punished and rewarded in the manner of someone used to being obeyed. He was an orphan raised in a village and then in Salonica. His coffin was placed in 1953 in a monumental tomb above Ankara.