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Four men run for the presidency and one of them is underestimated

1957 · year only · Haitian

The 1900sAnba Chèf1 source
1957 · Haitianyear only

Four men run for the presidency and one of them is underestimated

A planter, a technocrat, a street orator and a country doctor with a theory of Haitian blackness.

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Louis Dejoie was a rich mulatre planter and dealer in essential oils with land around Les Cayes and Jacmel, the choice of the elite, of the South, and of one faction in the army. Clement Jumelle was a self-made noir from the Artibonite educated at Fisk and Chicago, finance minister under Magloire, a believer in planning who had once been Francois Duvalier's superior and had hidden him when he was on the run in 1954. Daniel Fignole was a Port-au-Prince labour organiser whose urban following could paralyse the capital at will and had never converted that into national power, a speaker in Creole so sharp that people later heard Jean-Bertrand Aristide in the echo of it. Duvalier was a physician and ethnologist, spokesman of the griots and the folklorists, and he presented himself as the heir of Dumarsais Estime. Two of the four called their candidacies revolutionary. Dejoie found the word repellent and Jumelle found it beside the point. Three colonels stood behind them, Cantave, Armand and Kebreau.

Louis DejoieClement JumelleDaniel FignoleFrancois DuvalierLeon CantavePierre ArmandAntonio Kebreau Les CayesJacmelArtibonitePort-au-Prince
Where this comes from Heinl, R. D., & Heinl, N. G. (2005). Written in blood: The story of the Haitian people. University Press of America.HT-WIB-000534HT-WIB-000535

A code like HT-WIB-000044 is a bates number. It marks one page of our stamped scan of the book, so the same page can be found again by anyone working from the same copy. Open one to see every entry drawn from that page.

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Meanwhile, and next door

1945 to the 1960s · Africanspan

Empire ends by negotiation in some places and by war in others

Kenya, Algeria, Angola and Mozambique fought; most of West Africa argued its way out in committee.

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Belgium and Portugal lost control of events once fighting broke out in Mozambique, Angola, Guinea-Bissau and the Congo. Britain and France were shaken by war in Kenya and Algeria, both places where large European settler minorities pushed for confrontation. France conceded to the Algerian rebels. Britain destroyed the Mau Mau insurgency in the field and then handed Kenya to a moderate African elite. Across most of the rest of British and French sub-Saharan Africa, power changed hands through long and intricate constitutional negotiation. The old imperial reflex had one final outing in 1956, when British and French troops seized the Suez Canal zone after Nasser nationalised it and were forced into a humiliating withdrawal under international pressure. Settler governments in South Africa and Rhodesia dug in. Conflicts among ethnic, regional and religious groups were often nineteenth century contests sharpened by colonial rule and now fought inside a national arena the colonisers themselves had supplied. The departure was improvised at roughly the speed of the original partition.

Gamal Abdel NasserMau MauBritainFrancePortugalBelgium KenyaAlgeriaAngolaMozambiqueGuinea-BissauCongoEgyptSouth AfricaRhodesia
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21 August 1954 · Diaspora

Greene first lands in Haiti in the year of its 150th anniversary

He came for a Broadway musical set in a Port-au-Prince brothel and stayed three weeks.

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Greene arrived at Bowen Field on 21 August 1954, invited from Jamaica by the stage director Peter Brook, who was turning Truman Capote's story about a Port-au-Prince brothel into a Broadway musical. The Haiti Sun announced his arrival on 29 August, after he had already left on the twenty seventh. Diederich sets the moment in a country enjoying its share of the Caribbean tourist boom under President Paul Magloire, who had appeared on the cover of an American news magazine and been received at the White House, and which was marking the hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its independence. Greene attended a Vodou ceremony that ran until three in the morning and wrote his impressions to Catherine Walston the next day, asking her to keep the letter in case he needed it. Diederich notes that the rite he saw was of the kind staged for tourists.

Graham GreenePaul MagloirePeter BrookTruman Capote El Rancho HotelPort-au-Prince
Meanwhile, and next door Read these right here. You keep your place. Peek ›1935 to 1957Two decades of petitions produce Article 8 and a vote in 1957
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1935 to 1957 · Haitianspan

Two decades of petitions produce Article 8 and a vote in 1957

The 1950 congress gave women over twenty-one the ballot; they first used it seven years later.

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In 1935 Madeleine Sylvain-Bouchereau formed the Ligue Féminine d'Action Sociale with nine other women: Georgette Justin, Maud Turian, Esther Dartigue, Alice Téligny Mathon, Marie Corvington, Olga Gordon, Fernande Bellegarde, Thérèse Hudicourt and Alice Garoute. They attacked gender inequality in Haitian politics directly and made suffrage the test of whether the country meant its own founding claims. Two decades of petitions, marches, essays and letters to legislators followed. In 1950 the Constitutional Congress amended Article 8 and granted women of twenty-one and over the right to vote in local and national elections. Haitian women cast ballots in a national election for the first time in 1957. The achievement belonged to a small professional class of women who kept insisting that the democratic promise of the first Black republic in the hemisphere was still outstanding. Their charge against the founders was specific. The men who won independence at the end of the eighteenth century wrote women out of full citizenship, and nobody corrected it for a hundred and forty-six years.

Madeleine Sylvain-BouchereauAlice GarouteThérèse HudicourtFernande BellegardeLigue Féminine d'Action Sociale Haiti
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