A bribery case in Los Angeles reopens the question of American aid

A bribery conviction in a Los Angeles courtroom reached Haiti by an indirect route. The convicted congressional aide was Stephen Elko, who had turned up in Port-au-Prince in 1973 on behalf of Representative Daniel Flood. Trading testimony for a shorter sentence, he described the cash, the trips and the arrangements, and the House ethics committee opened hearings on influence peddling. His account matched what Lucien Rigaud had been saying from the Mexican embassy in Port-au-Prince, where he had taken refuge with documents. The Justice Department asked for safe conduct so that Rigaud could testify and Haiti refused, so Rigaud got past his guards, took a small sailboat into the Gulf of La Gonave although he had never sailed, and steered for Cuba. The Coast Guard picked him up. The New York Times Magazine ran the story and asked why American aid had been resumed. Duvalier answered the pressure with gestures: a human rights league that twenty people were brave enough to sign, elections for an assembly in which only Duvalierists could stand. A seminarian named Jean-Bertrand Aristide published his first article in Bon Nouvel.

About fifty thousand Haitians applied for asylum in the United States between 1972 and 1980. Twenty five of them succeeded. The reason was not hidden. At a congressional hearing in 1980 Senator Dennis DeConcini said that a boat refugee from Cuba was automatically treated by the immigration service as a refugee, while a boat refugee from the Haiti of Jean Claude Duvalier was automatically treated as an illegal alien who had come for economic reasons. Admitting that Haitians were fleeing persecution would have meant admitting in public that a government Washington supported was persecuting its people. President Jimmy Carter tried a provisional answer on 20 June 1980 by creating a status called Cuban Haitian entrant, which covered people who had already arrived. The refusals resumed after the election, and between September 1981 and March 1985 not one intercepted Haitian was found to have a valid claim.

By the 1970s most of newly independent Africa was in economic crisis. Populations had grown fast since the 1950s while states still lived on the sale of one or two commodities, so when agricultural export prices fell through the 1970s and stayed low through the 1980s there was nothing to fall back on. Copper dropped and took Zaire and Zambia with it. The oil price rises of the early and middle 1970s wrecked importers and let road and rail systems rot. Governments made their own contribution. Convinced that development meant repeating European industrialisation, and inclined to treat peasants as an embarrassment, they starved agriculture. Ghana built the Volta dam and let cocoa production collapse, which helped end Nkrumah. Tanzania moved whole villages at gunpoint under Nyerere. Factories needed foreign machines and foreign loans, the debts grew, and servicing them meant exporting still more crops and minerals. Independence had changed the flag above an arrangement built in the nineteenth century.

Irving Rouse spent four decades building the framework that Caribbean archaeology still argues with. On his model the Boca Chica pottery style began in the southern Dominican Republic and reached Puerto Rico with Chican potters who set up colonies on the southern coast, and local groups there developed the Capa and Esperanza styles under that influence. Influence in this account runs one way, from a source to a periphery, and the resulting style zones become the boundaries of indigenous provinces on the map. Later work reads the same pottery differently. The styles look like the product of traffic in both directions across the Mona Passage, where people, goods and marriages moved between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico for centuries. The dispute is about method as much as about pots. A decorated vessel records what a potter had seen and whose work she admired, and turning that into a claim about which people lived where, and who counted as whom, is a longer leap than the evidence supports.