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The colony graded people by shade and the republic kept the scale

1995 · year only · Haitian

The 1900sDechoukaj1 source
1995 · Haitianyear only

The colony graded people by shade and the republic kept the scale

Independence removed the French. It left the criteria the French installed in place.

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The Heinls call the racial and linguistic division the most important fact of life in modern Haiti. Roughly nine Haitians in ten are noir, speak Kreyol, and hold an inherited relation to Africa that surfaces in everyday speech: the ordinary phrase for a death is that the person has gone to Ginen, meaning Guinea, meaning the continent the ships sailed from. The remaining tenth are jaune or mulatre, French-speaking, schooled, and long dominant in the ministries, the courts and the diplomatic service. Eighty-five percent of the country sits below the line where literacy and money begin. This is a colonial arrangement that survived the colony. Saint-Domingue sorted people by shade and rewarded proximity to France, and the republic that destroyed the colonial state left the sorting machinery running. Independence in 1804 removed the French. It did nothing to the criteria the French had installed, and those criteria were still ranking Haitians in the year this book went to press.

HaitiSaint-DomingueGuinea
Where this comes from Heinl, R. D., & Heinl, N. G. (2005). Written in blood: The story of the Haitian people. University Press of America.HT-WIB-000016HT-WIB-000018HT-WIB-000019

A code like HT-WIB-000044 is a bates number. It marks one page of our stamped scan of the book, so the same page can be found again by anyone working from the same copy. Open one to see every entry drawn from that page.

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Meanwhile, and next door

November 1991 · Diasporamonth known

Two thousand people are held on the decks of Coast Guard cutters

After the coup against Aristide the ships that stopped Haitian boats turned into prisons with nowhere to unload.

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The Haitian army removed Jean-Bertrand Aristide from the presidency at the end of September 1991 and the boats began leaving. The United States would not send the people it stopped straight home as it had before, and it would not bring them ashore in Florida either, so the Coast Guard cutters became sea based jails while diplomats hunted for a third country willing to host the screening. By late November close to two thousand Haitians were crammed on the decks, some of the ships on patrol, others tied up at the naval base at Guantanamo Bay alongside an amphibious landing ship also being used to hold people. No third country agreed. On 17 November the cutter Confidence left Guantanamo with more than two hundred Haitians who had been screened out, and the next afternoon it put them on the docks at Port-au-Prince. Lawyers for the Haitian Refugee Center went to a federal judge in Miami that same day and obtained an order halting further returns.

Jean-Bertrand AristideIra Kurzban Guantanamo BayPort-au-PrinceMiami
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1990s to 2010s · Africanspan

Warlords trade minerals for guns as African states come apart

Reid reads the wars of these decades as nineteenth century politics returning with cheap rifles.

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Much of the armed conflict in Africa since 1990 has been a contest between armed entrepreneurs over minerals, people and territory. Richard Reid sets that pattern in a long history whose roots run well behind the immediate postcolonial decades. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 killed some 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu and then spilled west, as Ugandan and Rwandan forces helped remove Mobutu from power and afterwards fell out with each other, leaving eastern Congo a permanent war zone of shifting identities. Somalia collapsed entirely, and the American led relief operation there ended in disaster. In Sierra Leone and Liberia the state gave way to leaders of ragged youth militias who exchanged precious minerals for weapons. Sudan signed a peace accord in 2005 while Khartoum backed killing in Darfur that many called genocidal. Sierra Leone and Liberia began to recover, and Liberia elected the first woman head of state on the continent in 2006. The United Nations has spent more on African wars since Rwanda. The continent has been awash in cheap weapons since the Cold War ended.

Mobutu RwandaCongoSomaliaSierra LeoneLiberiaSudan
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15 October 1994 · Haitian

Aristide comes back to a palace stripped of its toilets and wiring

A billion dollars pledged over five years, and fifteen million a month needed immediately.

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Jean-Bertrand Aristide landed at midday on 15 October 1994 with two aircraft full of dignitaries behind him. Almost no Haitian saw him touch the ground. The airport was sealed and helicopters carried him straight to the National Palace, where a crowd had been waiting since dawn for a look at Titid. He spoke from behind a sheet of bulletproof plastic, quoted Martin Luther King, said the dream of democracy had become real, and asked that every weapon fall silent. Then he shook hands with General Jean-Claude Duperval and inspected an honour guard. The building he had come back to was picked clean of its telephones, its air conditioners, its light fittings and its toilet bowls. He carried pledges of close to a billion dollars over five years, none of it available for three to six months, while the government cost about fifteen million dollars a month to run. Something like two hundred thousand small weapons stayed in macoute hands. Smarck Michel became prime minister and Leslie Delatour took the central bank.

Jean-Bertrand AristideJean-Claude DupervalSmarck MichelLeslie Delatour Port-au-PrinceNational Palace
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